The 1982 Constitution has been amended four times in 1988, 1993, 1999 and 2004, involving
cent of amendments resulted from the evolving economic practice, featuring in the constitu-
tional recognition of private economy and protection of private property subsequently.
Article 3(4), the 1982 Constitution (rev. 2004).
Best illustrated by the revolutionary reform of rural land use which was substantially against
the socialist ideology and the economic practices in the Special Economic Zone since the
1979. See Sebastian Heilmann, ‘From Local Experiments to National Policy: The Origins of
see Zhou Xueguang, ‘The Institutional Logic of Collusion among Local Governments in
Robert Benewick, ‘Towards a Developmental Theory of Constitutionalism: The Chinese
The ‘Invisible Constitution’ seen Realistically
403
Constitution, but also includes the implicit logic of its unitary system, which
requires systematic deduction from the basic structure provided in both the
text of the 1982 Constitution and its organic laws. The reality that any Chinese
constitution must address is China’s regional diversity in various aspects
throughout the country’s wide territory. To unify both geographic and polit-
ical peripheries in the pursuit of national prosperity, the 1982 Constitution
provides a unitary system that accommodates three types of decentralisation:
the unsettled decentralisation in fiscal powers during the reform period,
regional national autonomy (RNA) and the Special Administrative Regions
(SARs).
6
Previous academic inquiries have focused on the contrast between
the authoritarian appearances of the Chinese regime, which theoretically pro-
vides central control over subnational units, with the conspicuous gaps in pol-
icy implementation over many arenas.
7
These decentralised arrangements are
usually discussed separately and form a large body of existing literature.
8
This
chapter will therefore explain how subnational units are designed for central
governance if we match them with the 1982 Constitution and its organic laws
concerning decentralisation arrangements, rather than following the para-
digm of Chinese federalism. In a more implicit sense, the invisible part of the
1982 Constitution is how sub-state decentralisation arrangements are designed
to fit in the unitary system.
To provide a (relatively) full picture of the implementation and implicit
logic of the unitary system, with proper methodological reflections, the fol-
lowing discussion will start with a brief review of the intellectual link between
6
The central-local relationship remains one of the core issues since the founding of the People’s
Republic of China. See Linda Chelan Li, ‘Central-Local Relations in the People’s Republic
of China: Trends, Progress and Impact for Policy Implementation’ (2010) 30 Public Adminis-
tration and Development 177.
7
Linda Chelan Li, ‘Central Relations’ in Chris Ogden (ed.), Handbook of China’s Governance
and Domestic Politics (London: Routledge, 2013) 143.
8
To name a few, on the RNA, see Pitman B. Potter, ‘Governance of China’s Periphery: Balanc-
ing Local Autonomy and National Unity’ 19 (2005)
Columbia Journal Asian Law 293; Maria
Lundberg and Yong Zhou, ‘Regional National Autonomy under Challenge: Law, Practice and
Recommendations’ (2009) 16 International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 269. On the
autonomous issues of Hong Kong SAR, see Albert H. Y. Chen, ‘Further Aspects of the Auton-
omy of Hong Kong under the PRC Constitution’ (1984) 14 Hong Kong Law Journal 341; Albert
H. Y. Chen, ‘Some Reflections on Hong Kong’s Autonomy’ (1994) 24 Hong Kong Law Journal
173; Albert H. Y. Chen, ‘The Law and Politics of Constitutional Reform and Democratization
in Hong Kong’ University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law Research Paper No. 2014/035; Yash P.
Ghai, Hong Kong’s New Constitutional Order: The Resumption of Chinese Sovereignty and the
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