The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective



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The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective by Rosalind Dixon (editor), Adrienne Stone (editor) (z-lib.org)

Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy trans. 

William Rehg (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996).




328 

Jongcheol Kim

just by endorsing political decisions of other actors. Furthermore, in adjudi-

cating constitutional cases they should not be hindered by their partisan hind-

sight, but should do their best to keep logical consistency and persuasiveness 

in their reasoning.

21

11.4.  Some Reflections on Invisible or Visible 



Constitutions in Korean Constitutional Cases

Now we seem to be ready to examine some constitutional adjudication  

cases delivered by the KCC from the angle of the “invisible” constitution in 

Tribe’s terminology (or “visible” but “unwritten” constitution based on the 

ideal of constitutional democracy). I am going to review three cases which 

have had a vital influence on the political structure: the Capital relocation 

case; the presidential impeachment case; and the election reapportion-

ment case. The first two cases heard in 2004 can be seen as a watershed in  

the Korean history of constitutional review. They were in reality the result of 

political strife between the then President Roh Moo Hyun and the opposi-

tion parties. The first case was the KCC’s invalidation of the Construction of  

the New Administrative Capital Act that was a top priority in the political 

agenda of the Roh Government. The second case was the KCC’s ruling  

turning down the National Assembly’s impeachment against President Roh who  

had been alleged to intervene illegally in the parliamentary election in 2004.

The last case is the most recent case in a series of the same kind, though 

the rule made by the KCC has been changed step by step. This case forced 

the National Assembly to change the election alignment which affects the 

distribution of political power among territorial regions.

By playing a crucial role in these three constitutional crises, the KCC was 

eager to represent its ambitious intention to become the final constructor of 

the Constitution and a constitutional coordinator controlling political con-

flicts. The task before us is to ask if it, fulfilling the virtue of self-limitation, 

complied with the required constitutional command not to override the 

constitutional boundary, although in principle I am sympathetic to such a 

conception of the KCC. My hypothesis is that the first case yielded a wrong 

decision, defying their constitutional obligation to respect the constitutionally 

ordained legislative power, while the remaining two cases contributed to the 

21 

See Jongcheol Kim and Jonghyun Park, “Causes and Conditions for Sustainable Judicializa-



tion of Politics in Korea” in Björn Dressel (ed.), The Judicialization of Politics in Asia (Oxford: 

Routledge, 2012) ch. 3.




 

Is the Invisible Constitution Really Invisible? 

329


enhancement of Korean constitutionalism by not automatically deferring to 

the policy choices made by the legislature.



11.4.1.  Sagas of “Customary Constitution” in the 

Relocation of the Capital City Case

In the sixteenth presidential election in 2002, a controversial issue divid-

ing major presidential contenders was the plan to construct an adminis-

trative capital in which the office and residence of the President (the Blue 

House) and major governmental ministries would be relocated from Seoul 

to Choongcheong Province in order to enhance decentralization. Roh Moo 

Hyun, who endorsed the plan as one of his top pledges, finally won the elec-

tion and initiated the plan to be put into practice by proposing a Special Bill 

on the Construction of the New Administrative Capital. The Bill was passed 

and promulgated in the wake of fierce political controversies in early 2004. 

A number of citizens who were unsatisfied with the plan, including the then 

Mayor of Seoul Lee Myong Bak (the seventeenth president succeeding Roh), 

organized an anti-relocation-of-the capital movement. Some of the dissenters 

brought their complaints before the KCC, alleging that the Special Act was 

unconstitutional because it violated their constitutional right to vote on a ref-

erendum allegedly required by the Constitution and other constitutional rights, 

including the right to property, the right to become civil servants, and so on.

The KCC accepted the complaints in an eight to one majority decision.

22

 

The main thrusts of the majority opinion were fourfold. First, the relocation of 



the capital is a core constitutional matter that forms a requisite element of the 

Constitution. Second, although “Seoul is the capital” is not expressly stated in 

the written constitution, the fact becomes a customary constitution as a part 

of the unwritten constitution directly chosen by the people even prior to the 

enactment of the written constitution of the Republic of Korea. Third, since a 

customary constitution is also a part of the constitution with the same effect as 

that of the written constitution, its revision should be carried out only by way 

of revision of the written constitution. Fourth, Article 130 of the Constitution 

requires a mandatory referendum for constitutional revision, the Act on the 

review intended to relocate the capital encroached upon their constitutional 

right to vote on the referendum.

The basic issue underlying the Relocation of the Capital case can be ques-

tioned from two aspects which are internally intertwined with each other and 

actually constitute two sides of the same coin. The first aspect of the question 

22 

Constitutional Court Decision 2004Hun-Ma554, October 21, 2004, 16–1(B) KCCR 1.




330 


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