The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective



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The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective by Rosalind Dixon (editor), Adrienne Stone (editor) (z-lib.org)

Virtue, the Theory and Practice of Equality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000).


548 

Gábor Attila Tóth

of egalitarian, distributive principles. Individuals have fundamental rights and 

freedoms not because others, in a comparative situation, enjoy them, but 

because as human beings they deserve certain treatment.

In its initial landmark decisions, the Court established that from freedom 

of speech to the right to privacy, each liberty right originates from the notion 

of human dignity. As an example, the Court clarified all the relevant notions 

concerning personal freedom of religion. “The individual freedom of con-

science and religion acknowledges that the person’s conviction, and, within 

this, in a given case, religion, is a part of human dignity, so their freedom is a 

pre-condition for the free development of personality.”

21

In general, a not far from Rawlsian conception of justice was echoed in 



giving priority to each person’s equal right to basic liberties, including liberty 

of conscience compatible with the similar liberty of others. The relationship 

between basic liberties and equality of opportunity was also read through the 

lens of Rawls.

22

 In addition to this, the Court’s concept concerning the neutral-



ity of the state originates from the notion of equal liberty of conscience. The 

requirement of religious neutrality of the state means separation of the state 

from churches. This separation means that the state must not be institution-

ally attached to any church or churches; that the state must not identify itself 

with the teachings of any church; that it must not interfere with the internal 

working of any church, and especially that it must not take a stance in matters 

of religious truth. From this it follows that the state must treat all churches 

equally (Churches Case I).

23

Beyond principles borrowed from theories, the Sólyom Court also took 



international and foreign standards of judicial review as precedents. The Court 

protected fundamental rights effectively with the help of the proportionality 

principle, and the allgemeine Handlungsfreiheit imported from Strasbourg 

and Karlsruhe (General Personality Right Case),

24

 as well as the clear and 



present danger scrutiny derived from the United States constitutional adjudi-

cation (Hate Speech Case I).

25

It may seem reasonable to conclude that the strong aspiration of the Chief 



Justice and the majority that took shape around him has been fulfilled: the 

“invisible constitution” provided the theoretical bases for the 1989 constitu-

tion. The Court took a decisive part in developing a coherent constitutional 

21 


Judgment 4/1993 (II. 12.) HCC.

22 


J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 

1971), 60–1.

23 

Judgment 4/1993 (II. 12.) HCC. Rawls, Supra note 22, 205–11.



24 

Judgment 8/1990 (IV. 23.) HCC.

25 

Judgment 30/1992 (V. 26.) HCC.




 

Lost in Transition 

549


system and fundamental rights included in it on the basis of the invisible 

constitution. This extra-textual constitutional framework, at first glance, may 

seem to be close to a Dworkinian account of constitutional law. Substantively

as introduced above, the Court initiated to create from case to case a coherent 

system of fundamental rights. Methodologically, as Sólyom acknowledged in 

one of his interviews, the Court undertook the moral reading of the underly-

ing principles of the Constitution. Reading the invisible constitution contrib-

uted to explicating the internal relations of constitutional values and phrases.

In all likelihood the leading role of the Court in democratic transition, as 

well as some of its landmark judgments on fundamental rights stemming from 

Rawlsian and Dworkinian theoretical roots, led to the widespread understand-

ing that the Court could be characterized ideologically as liberal. As a current 

example, Bojan Bugaricˇ and Tom Ginsburg refer to the initial achievements 

in terms of how the Court “under the strong leadership of liberal Chief Justice 

Sólyom, issued a series of decisions that established its reputation as the key 

protector of political and social rights in Hungary.”

26

I think, however, neither Dworkinism nor liberalism is the best explana  -



tion of the invisible constitution doctrine of the early Hungarian Constitutional 

Court.



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