37
The Economist
December 17th 2022
Europe
Cash and carry votes?
“W
ho is the
most recognisable member of the European Par
liament?” sounds like the setup of a joke, along the lines
of “Who is the bestdressed Boris Johnson impersonator?” Still, it
has a punchline now: Eva Kaili, who started the week—but did not
end it—as a vicepresident of the parliament (fret not, there are
still 13 left). Ms Kaili, a Greek
mEP
, is now the poster girl for what is
arguably the worst case of sleaze in the sixdecade history of the
EU
institutions. On December 9th Belgian police arrested six peo
ple, four of whom, including Ms Kaili, were later charged with cor
ruption and money laundering. Over €1.5m ($1.6m) in cash pay
ments allegedly made by Qatar have been recovered by Belgian po
lice, who have carried out 20 raids mostly connected to sitting or
former
MEP
s and their staff. Both Ms Kaili, a former newsreader,
and her Italian partner, an aide in the parliament, languish in a
Brussels jail. They deny wrongdoing, as does Qatar, which calls the
claims “unfounded”. Her father, arrested after being caught lug
ging a cashfilled suitcase from a hotel near the parliament, was
released as a mere suspected accomplice.
With the investigation continuing, a mood of nervousness,
confusion and indignation has descended on Brussels (and Stras
bourg, to which the parliament ridiculously decamps once a
month). There are signs pointing to the possible cause of any graft.
Qatar wants its citizens to be able to take holidays in Europe with
out a visa, a perk offered to many rich countries. This looked to be
forthcoming a week ago but is now on ice. It also wanted to temper
criticism of its treatment of migrant workers during the World
Cup. Ms Kaili had declared Qatar to be “a frontrunner in labour
rights”, an unpopular opinion in Europe. Her centreleft political
group seems to have worked to soften a motion criticising Qatar.
Another person arrested, Pier Antonio Panzeri, an
MEP
until 2019,
is the head of an
NGO
called, of all things, Fight Impunity. (He
could not be reached for comment.)
If the allegations against these people were to prove true,
would it be evidence of deepseated rot in the
eU
? Probably not.
Over 60,000 people work in the European institutions, including
10,000 or so in the parliament alone. Every political system has
crooks. In America $90,000 was once found in the freezer of a con
gressman shortly after he had met lobbyists. The fewer questions
that are asked about the financing of past French elections, the
better. British
MP
s claimed some comically dodgy expenses before
the media exposed them. The list goes on. Qatar was known to
have one or two billcounting machines at its disposal: between
2011 and 2015 Britain’s Prince Charles, as he then was, is reported to
have accepted €3m in cash from a Qatari politician (entirely legally
for his charities, it was pointed out).
But sleaze scandals could damage the European Parliament—
and by extension the
EU
as a whole—more than they do national
polities. For unlike national legislatures, the Brussels parliament
toils in relative obscurity. Voters in a typical European country
who hear about a local politician caught grifting will weigh the
story against lots of other coverage of local politics, and conclude
that bad behaviour is the exception. By contrast, this story of Euro
corruption has made a splash on an otherwise blank canvas. Re
ports of Ms Kaili’s antics put the European Parliament at the top of
evening news bulletins across the continent. That is exceedingly
rare, if not unprecedented.
Questions will be raised as to how the institutions in Brussels
police themselves. Awkwardly, it was the Belgian authorities who
cracked the alleged corruption ring, not the
eU
. Over a quarter of
MEP
s have second jobs, according to Transparency International,
a pressure group. In theory they are not meant to act as lobbyists,
but in practice few are pressed to give much detail on what they
do. Rules are tighter than they once were, but sanctions are rare,
though a (much smaller) corruption scandal brought down the en
tire European Commission in the 1990s.
This week’s sleaze will disrupt the European Parliament’s bid to
curb corruption among the bloc’s 27 member states. Ironically,
around the time when police were cordoning off parliament offic
es as possible crime scenes, the
EU
scored a rare success in fighting
graft. On December 12th member states agreed to suspend €6.3bn
in
EU
subsidies to Hungary until it adheres to basic ruleoflaw
principles.
MEP
s had been among the most effective advocates of
punishing corruption in Hungary, where the ruling party lavishes
European taxpayers’ cash on iffy projects. Viktor Orban, Hungary’s
strongman prime minister, is now gloating at the
eu
’s discomfort.
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