particularly grave in most of Central Asia”.
316
In addition, the spread of Soviet
influence and Soviet backed modernization in the country, in one respect, occurred
through the Russian population in Uzbekistan. While these settlers served for Tsarist
Russia in past, they now served for the interests for the Soviets as the best and the
most natural collaborators for the Soviet Union. “Soviet domination, as the successor
of Russian Imperialism only rose to power in Turkestan through the Russians.”
317
314
Northrop, Douglas Taylor,
Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia
, (New
York: Cornel University Press, 2004), 50-51.
315
Ibid, 48.
316
Allworth, Edward et al.,
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
, ed. Edward Allworth, (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 257.
317
Hayit, Baymirza
, Islam and Turkestan under Russian Rule
, (Istanbul: Can Matbaa, 1987), 263.
120
There were at least two million Russian inhabitants in the region.
318
Even, this fact
was enforcing the Soviets and making them feel responsible to interfere and
reorganize the region in accordance with its nationalities policy, otherwise these
inhabitants would fall into danger, which would probably come from local
population.
319
Also, the Russian population in the region was extremely essential for
the Soviets to penetrate its language policy throughout the region. Penetration of
Russian language into the whole region would be through these Russian settlers.
These settlers had the responsibility to help Russian, the common language of
communism, spread to the local peoples.
The most dangerous and threatening issue for the Soviets was the
maintenance of Young Bukharan formed government in new Uzbek state. It was
well- known about their Pan-Turkist ideas and educational reforms in the era of
People’s Republic. They were blamed for planning to spread Uzbek influence and
found greater Uzbekistan. For these reasons, the national leadership of Bukhara was
a crucial threat for the Soviet influence in newly created Uzbekistan. Therefore,
Fayzallah Khodzhaev, president of the Council of People’s Commissars of
Uzbekistan SSR, and the leader of nationalist wing, and also Akmal Ikramov, first
secretary of Uzbekistan Communist Party, the leader of Bolshevik wing, were
arrested and tried in Moscow for being a Trotskyite and a Rightist. Both Young
Bukharan cadres and Bukharan Communist cadres having formed Uzbekistan
Communist Party were not allowed to maintain their existence. They were executed
on 13 March 1938. The other figures of nationalist cadres in Uzbekistan were
318
Wheeler, Geoffrey,
The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia
, (New York: Greenword Press,
1964), 125.
319
Ibid, 125.
121
eliminated after the executions of the leaders.
320
Although Fayzallah Khodzhaev had
been the prime minister of Bukhara Peoples’ Republic and then became the president
of Uzbekistan SSR and also Akmal Ikramov was the first secretary of the Central
Committee of the party in Uzbekistan from 1929 to 1937,in other words, both of two
were cooperated as partners for long term; the clash between the Soviets and Young
Bukharans controlled Uzbek SSR government regarding the Soviet’s pressure for the
specialization of Uzbekistan in cotton production as it was enforced in the past
broke out.
The economic and social conflict had its origin in the raising of cotton, which the Soviet regime sought to
emphasize, as the czarist government had done before it, Local personnel, who at the time of revolution, had seen the perils of
economic of economic dependency based on monoculture stirred up the population against orders coming from the central
government. Behind the cotton problem, sensed Soviet leaders, was fierce national resistance
.
321
The main problem was economic but it spilt over the social domain and thus
caused the strengthening of national resistance backed by nationalist Young
Bukharans who were now in power in the government of Uzbekistan. It was
dangerous for the Soviets that the identity of new national republic, Uzbekistan, was
built upon nationalist resistance arising from economic and agricultural reasons in
the early years of the Socialist Republic. Therefore, the intervention was a necessity
for the Soviets to prevent this emerging question. Even though Khodzhaev and
Ikramov were politically rivals to each other, they were agreed on the cotton policy
of the Soviets. Both Ikramov and Khodzhaev were put in target for using cotton
crisis to strengthen nationalist resistance and this caused the purge of last Jadid
cadres’ remnants in Turkistan by the Soviets. The leaders’ arrestment and execution
excuses were very interesting. Fayzallah Khodzhaev was accused of burying his
brother in accordance with Islamic rites as an excuse for his arrestment, and Akmal
320
Allworth, Edward et al.,
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
,ed. Edward Allworth,(New
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 263.
321
Allworth, Edward et al.,
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
,ed. Edward Allworth,(New
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 262-263.
122
Ikramov was accused of being a nationalist in a newspaper article as an excuse for
his arrest.
322
After the elimination of these last Jadid cadres, Uzbekistan SSR’s
complete control passed to the Soviets. Thus, while impressing the identity of pan-
Turkist Jadidism maintain its influence in the region from the early 1900s, a new
Uzbek identity, which was more compatible to the Soviet regime, was built.
On the other perspective, the Soviet penetration in Central Asia and
especially Uzbekistan was different from any other colonial power’s penetration in
the world and even the Tsarist rule’s. The importance of the Soviets and their
Sovietizing policies of the local regions carried a modernizing mission and
modernization character. For example, although it was so difficult to draw exact
boundaries in the culturally complex world, the Soviet Union dealt with each Soviet
Socialist state for creating their national identities, constructing literary languages
and alphabet, and establishing their political hierarchies. In Central Asia, the Soviet
ethnographers collected folk tales and focused on local customs to make better
analysis to distinct each nation’s identity.
323
The Soviets were different from the
Tsarist administrators who only dealt with tax collection and military security. The
Soviets focused on the matters of local society or culture because they analyzed the
world with different terms. The Soviets saw Central Asia as a primitive region and
wanted to modernize it thus the Soviets planned to make Central Asian nations to
move towards socialism.
324
The Soviets aimed a complete transformation in terms of
economy, politics, culture and society for the region in order to recreate the men and
322
Wheeler, Geoffrey,
The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia
, (New York: Greenword Press,
1964), 142.
323
Northrop, Douglas Taylor,
Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia
,(New
York: Cornel University Press, 2004), 18-19.
324
Northrop, Douglas Taylor,
Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia
,(New York:
Cornel University Press, 2004), 19.
123
women of southern Central Asia as true modern Soviet citizens.
325
“Unlike its Tsarist
predecessor, however, the USSR was also a distinctively modern and modernizing
state. In both center and periphery, that is, it sought simultaneously to build a polity
with a common ideal of citizenship and thus its insistent anti colonization also needs
to be taken seriously, as more than more rhetoric. The unveiling campaign in some
ways expressed this credo: it aimed to make Uzbeks into Soviet citizens rather than
simply imperial subjects”.
326
To recreate a modern society in Uzbekistan, according
to the unveiling campaign, the women had to take off their veils firstly.
327
The Soviet
program in Central Asia was to modernize the women in order to create a modern
nation and modern nations.
325
Ibid, 19.
326
Ibid, 23.
327
Ibid, 23.
124
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