The bukharan emirate and turkestan under russian rule in the revolutionary era: 1917-1924



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Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
, ed. Edward Allworth,(New 
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 248. 
285
Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans.,
Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in 
Central Asia
, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 173-174. 
286
Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans.,
Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in 
Central Asia
, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 172-173. 


108 
Bukhara
287
 
could not keep its promises that it had given before coming to power. 
This situation put the Young Bukharans into predicament. The revolutionary 
committee had declared the nationalization of all lands, water supplies, and huge 
private properties. Even, the Revkom of Bukhara had promised the public opinion to 
redistribute the confiscated lands, properties and water supplies equally to the 
peoples of Bukhara.
288
However, it was very difficult for the Revkom to fulfill these 
promises, because the infrastructure of the country was not ready to implement these 
policies under the existed political, social, economic and cultural conditions of the 
country.
Revkom of Bukhara could not keep its promises because of inadequacies of the political and social circumstances of 
the country. Bukhara’s first problem was political. To reform its structures and carry through the Revkom’s promises, clearly it 
was necessary to draw a line through the past and turn to new people in order to run the new institutions. But this was 
impossible, since Bukhara possessed neither the people nor the material means for such a change
.
289
Other problem emerging as a threat for Bukhara was coming from the 
Soviets. This was the inevitable fate of Bukhara and Khwarazm that they would not 
escape from. The Soviets saw these countries as its hinterlands and even part of itself 
for the long run. The bourgeois nationalist regime, according to the Soviet view, was 
only allowed to provide the transition stage to the socialist state. The Young 
Bukharans were seen as the people of the bourgeoisie nationalist class and were 
permitted to remain in power temporarily. The Young Bukharans’ coming to power 
was approved by Moscow in 1920 not to face a public turmoil and uprising, in 
addition, the increase of Basmachi enforced Moscow to agree with Young Bukharan 
287
The All-Bukharan Revolutionary Committee was set up on 14 September 1920 after the fall of 
Bukhara and collapse of the monarchy. The Committee comprised of the prominent figures of the 
Young Bukharans such as Fayzallah Khodzhaev, Usman Khodzhaev and Abd al Ahad Arifov. 
288
Allworth, Edward et al., 
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
, ed. Edward Allworth, (New 
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 246. 
289
Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans.,
 Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in 
Central Asia
, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 170-171. 


109 
Jadids as it was done with the intellectuals of Alash Orda and Turkestan ASSR.
290
On the other hand, the war conditions ended and a threat of foreign intervention was 
not conceivable any more. In 1923-1924, the Soviet government got into 
strengthening inside. The consolidation of unity of the state was a priority. Therefore, 
the semi-independent national governments had to be abolished and the 
implementation of socialism adapted to the particular conditions of the East had to be 
abandoned in order for providing a proletarian unity. 
291
The first disagreement broke 
out due to the demand of deployment of Red Army troops on the Afghan frontier 
under the Soviet command. The Bukharan government did not agree on this and it 
turned into a crisis between Moscow and Bukhara. Moreover, the Bukharan 
government could not explain the reason of Soviet troops’ existence in Bukhara. Red 
Army units under the command of Frunze were free to move and were free to get 
their supplies from Bukharan people. The government demanded the command of 
Russian troops inside Bukhara. This event also turned into crisis. For the Soviets, 
keeping troops in Bukhara was necessity because of the Basmachi threat, spreading 
to the whole country.
292
On the other side, Bukharan new regime was shaken with 
internal conflicts. The Bukharan government dissolved because of the escapes and 
passing of the ministers and prominent officials to Basmachis’ side led by Enver 
Pasha. Even, Usman Khodzhaev was one of them. The new government was at once 
organized under the presidency of Fayzallah Khodzhaev and Abdulrauf Fitrat who 
took the ministry of foreign affairs. While they were struggling against the 
Basmachis led by Enver at one side and the Soviet pressures at another; they were 
290
Allworth, Edward et al., 
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
, ed. Edward Allworth, (New 
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 249. 
291
Allworth, Edward et al., 
Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule
, ed. Edward Allworth, (New 
York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 249. 
292
Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans.,
Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in 
Central Asia
, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 176. 


110 
seeking aid outside. “These two men, who had stayed in Bukhara to preserve what 
they could of its independence, sought aid on all sides. Informal discussions with 
Turkey and Afghanistan led to no positive results, and the Central Asian leaders 
remained all alone for the assault that they soon had to face”.
293

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