3.2. Non-European countries
Outside the European Union and its neighbouring countries, strategies for
youth re-employment vary markedly and sometimes are not linked to the
country’s economic situation.
In Japan, the unemployed labour force is expected to actively engage in
finding jobs. In order to facilitate the job search, unemployed persons are
granted benefits for a maximum period of six months, provided that they have
previously been employed in a job with more than 20 working hours per week
and for no less than 31 days. After graduation, young people are urged to find a
job that strongly fits their skills and interests – minimizing the risk of becoming
jobless in the first place. Under the programme “Hello Work”, non-profit
organizations as well as private entities (represented by well-networked
counsellors with experience in private enterprises) work with young labour
market entrants who graduated in the last three years to provide individualized
school-job transmission elements including job matching, start-up subsidies as
well as training and soft-skill courses. In this programme, a system of subsidies
partially supports the participating entrepreneurs. However, the prospective
gains from young and internally skilled workforce are a sufficient incentive to
take part in such a programme.
The Australian unemployment benefit is completely financed by national
funds. What is more notable is that Australia does not set any maximum limit to
the duration of the benefit. However, unemployed people are obliged to write at
least ten job applications within two weeks, and if requested by their
administrating “Centrelink” – the institution responsible for unemployment
issues – they must also take part in training and other ALMP programmes. Of
these, the most established is the “work-for-the-dole” policy, initially only aimed
at young jobseekers. Today, it obliges all long-term recipients of the
unemployment benefit to gain unpaid work-experience in exchange.
Increasingly and through the consideration of career aspirations and goals of
participants, this measure has proven to be an efficient way to develop skills and
to build networks that are likely to facilitate re-employment. In the recent
economic crisis, the Australian labour market showed almost no negative signs.
This may point to the possibility for other countries to review the Australian
20
strategy with a view to incorporating its features in their activation strategies
However as the crisis had only limited consequences for youth employment,
Australian policy makers only recently set their focus on activating the young
unemployed – mainly induced by demographic change.
With the so-called “Youth Allowance”, Australian students and apprentices
between the age of 15 and 24 are eligible for financial support while taking part
in training, internships or post-12 year education. In addition, the new
administration is trying to motivate and reactivate the long-term unemployed
youth with a programme known as the “Job Commitment Bonus.” Any
Australian between the age of 18 to 30 who has been unemployed at least 12
months, then gets a job and remains off welfare for a continuous period of 12
months, receives AUS$2500 and gets rewarded with additional AUS$4000 if he
or she can stay in this same job for a further 12 months. Also, long-term
jobseekers may be eligible to apply for “Relocation Assistance”, a financial
assistance of up to AUS$6000 if their new job makes them move to another area
and AUS$3000 for a metropolitan area other than their former place of living.
Additional benefits apply if family members have to move as well. Thus, the
Australian labour market policy is rather rigidly defined for those who are
already unemployed. However, recent policies have – similar to the Japanese
approach – focused on easing the school-to-work transition that seeks to pre-
emptively limit the risk of youth unemployment. The “Learn or Earn”
programme demands that every Australian below the age of 17 either
participates in education and/or training full time or that combines it with part-
time social activities – with the aim to keep the prospective workforce occupied
at full capacity.
The activation approach of the United States (US) is rather multifaceted.
Apart from some basic guidelines regarding the minimal duration of the
unemployment benefit and the role of employers in paying contributions to their
workers’ insurance,
16
many States have their own regulations, e.g. with regard to
how long the unemployed are compensated and how the payment is calculated.
17
Concerning young people, many federal States have special criteria limiting the
benefit eligibility to students who have employment that covers such benefits.
Many of them use school attendance as a criterion for excluding benefit
eligibility, and some others, such as Louisiana and New Jersey, do not apply
students’ benefits during holiday periods.
16
Generally, employers must pay both state and Federal unemployment taxes if: (1) they
pay wages to employees totaling $1,500, or more, in any quarter of a calendar year; or,
(2) they had at least one employee during any day of a week during 20 weeks in a
calendar year.
17
For a more detailed inter-state comparison, see
http://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/comparison2013.asp.
21
In contrast to workless benefit rights, policies intending to activate the
young unemployed are often led, or at least administrated, at the national level.
The Department of Labour's Employment and Training Administration supports
various programmes aimed at facilitating the transition from school to work.
Among these are the “Job Corps”, a residential education and job training
programme and the “YouthBuild”, a community-based alternative education
programme providing job training and educational opportunities while preparing
for an upcoming college education. Both programmes address at-risk youth aged
16-24 and with low income. In “Formula-Funded Grants”, federal resources are
provided to local institutions and are weighted on the basis of local youth
unemployment rates. The purpose of these grants is to invest in low-income
youth aged 14-21 who face barriers to employment by preparing them for
employment and/or post-secondary education through strong linkages between
academic and occupational learning. Building on the “2012 Summer Jobs+”
programme, the government introduced the “Youth Jobs+”, which brought
together elected officials, local businesses, non-profit organizations and faith-
based institutions to create pathways to employment for young Americans. The
participation of private enterprises and the development of a web-based job-
search application named “SummerJobs+ Bank,” indicate that youth
unemployment has seriously gained importance and is being strongly addressed.
It might be argued that the rather large expansion of active labour market
programmes and their target groups in the countries referred to above is due to
the fact that they are mature economies able to afford financial support to
prevent an excess of youth unemployment. However, emerging economies from
the G20, such as South Africa, have also developed systems to support the
unemployed in various ways. Despite the fact that the government has pursued a
number of strategies since 1994 aimed at better equipping the unemployed to
become economically independent (e.g. public training courses, firm-internal
training subsidies, public work programmes), youth unemployment in South
Africa is very high with about half of the youth labour force (aged 15-24) being
unemployed. Studies investigating the effectiveness show that many of these
programmes did not produce significant benefit. In some cases they actually had
negative employment effects on participants (see Kluve, 2006). This is likely to
be due to the fact that the jobs provided usually have low labour intensity and
low skill-development perspectives, thus, deterring young unemployed from
participation. However, the recent plans of the National Youth Service
Programme (NYSP) are more promising. In this programme young people are
provided with credits towards qualification in an area of economic demand,
therefore, allowing them to develop soft skills that they require to negotiate full
participation in society and the economy and to obtain comprehensive work
experience (see Mayer et al, 2011). Another reform passed in late 2013 is the
“Employment Tax Incentive Bill” which uses tax incentives to encourage
employers to take on young trainees. This law proposes a youth wage subsidy
aimed at providing on-the-job training and the development of soft skills
through increasing work experience for people between 18 and 29 years old.
22
Another separate problem is based on locational issues: many
governmental labour market agencies lack establishments in rural areas. Some
young citizens living in urban areas can afford an education in private schools,
which are often equipped with in-house job-transfer institutions or even direct
connections to business enterprises. Rural areas show much larger youth
unemployment rates, partially because infrastructural under-development
hinders potentially work-willing young school graduates from further
acquisition of skills. Thus, a better institutional allocation in areas that are more
affected might help address a significant part of the youth unemployment
problems of South Africa.
Turkey has very few policies to promote youth employment. Although the
federal unemployment benefit system is relatively generous to salaried
employees,
18
others – such as the young workforce – are excluded. The failure to
cover these groups is often criticized. Measures to combat youth employment
have started to be adopted only recently. The largest of these measures is the
“Skill ‘10”, a programme that aims to strengthen vocational education
infrastructure through purchase of equipment for enterprises in less-developed
regions. This programme pays social security contributions to young (18-29
years old) employees with a view to increasing employment rates. However, the
project’s financial support is still regionally and temporarily limited, and even
now, it is lacking proper indicators that lead to long-term employment for its
target groups. A promising step could be the expansion of the programme
“Create Jobs” – that is managed by the Turkish Employment Service’s (İŞKUR)
– to secondary schools. Since 2008, İŞKUR continues to provide ALMPs to all
unemployed, regardless of whether they are insured or not. Still, with 250,000
beneficiaries in 2011, the project remains limited in scope and below the needs
of the workforce, especially young people.
19
Latin American countries differ in intensity of their commitment to
strengthen the labour market integration of young people. Brazil, for example, is
one of six
20
countries in Latin America having introduced recent reforms to the
unemployment insurance system by increasing both the obligations of the
unemployed for job acceptance and that of the institutions to match suggestions
on personal skills. These reforms are a first step in improving the local labour
market. However, the vacancies offered to the unemployed by Brazil’s public
employment service (Sistema Nacional de Emprego – SINE) often require low-
18
The unemployed receive a non-decreasing payment of 50% of their average previous
wage, but not more than the official minimum wage. Payments are provided when the
applicant can prove at least 600 days of contribution in the last 3 years before becoming
unemployed. Duration of benefits varies from 180 up to 300 days, depending on
contribution time.
19
Including vocational training courses tailored to small groups’ demands, wage
subsidies, counselling, internships and entrepreneurship programs.
20
ILO (2011).
23
level skills and they lack in attractiveness. When combined with the policy that
unemployment benefit recipients are not penalized if they do not engage in
active job search, this suggests that SINE might need to strive for systematic
reforms. In addition, relatively high restrictions in the required amount of
previous employment make the access to benefits (which are provided at most 5
months) quite hard, especially for young people. Also, a less discussed issue is
that newly-graduated labour market entrants are not entitled to job-finding
assistance.
In spite of these problems, the Brazilian government provides a comparably
wide range of measures addressing the young unemployed. The largest one is
the “ProJovem” programme. This programme includes various tried and tested
policies such as reintegration into the educational system, development of
communication and life skills, community action and job-search assistance. Its
implementation strategies differ according to the individual characteristics of
participants (e.g. low-educated without basic education or young graduates from
families with income lower than the minimum wage). However, a recent survey
showed that less than 10 per cent of ProJovem’s potential target group is aware
of the existence of this programme or of other youth employment initiatives.
21
Other projects such as “Nossa Primeira Terra” and “Pronaf Jovem” aim to assist
young people living in rural areas by supporting them in buying land and
financing small enterprises, respectively.
22
However, a large proportion of the
potential beneficiaries of such programmes lack proper access to institutional
support and communication systems, which reduces significantly the awareness
of the support for which they might potentially be eligible. Still, the adoption of
new programmes such as “Estação Juventude”, a one-stop shop for job-search
assistance and skills development courses – which is being piloted in larger
Brazilian cities, signals that Brazil is increasingly engaged in implementing
mesures to promote youth employment.
Another hopeful example is Peru that adopted a series of policies to meet
its international commitments of achieving the Millennium Development Goals,
particularly that aiming to “achieve full and productive employment and decent
work for all, including women and young people.” In 2011, the Congress created
a separate Ministry for Development and Social Inclusion (MIDIS). The policies
“Trabaja Peru” (Peru Works) and “Jóvenes a la Obra” (Youth Get to Work)
were among its first activities. Whereas the former programme creates jobs for
the at-risk unemployed in general, the latter focuses on those aged 15-29 and
provides technical job training and strengthen participants’ role when contacting
employing enterprises for the first time (see Quipu Commission, 2012). Its
predecessor programme “ProJoven” had reached over 73,000 young
unemployed during its fifteen years of activity (see González-Velosa et al.,
2012).
21
See OECD (2013a, p. 165)
22
Nossa Primeira Terra spent R$ 106m (€33m) between 2004 and 2012.
24
While Peru and Brazil have developed several promising measures to
promote employment among their young population, other Latin American
countries have only recently started to review their youth employment
interventions. In these latter cases, intensive regulations and simultaneous weak
punishments for informal employment make only a disproportionally low part of
workforce officially registered as employed (see e.g. Dabla-Norris et al., 2008)
and, therefore, not eligible for potential unemployment benefits. Also, the
duration of unemployment benefits in these countries tends to be relatively low.
In Argentina for example, it increases more with age than with the amount of
time of the employee’s contribution, often putting obstacles on young people. In
Mexico, the situation is even more severe in that the unemployed are only
supported (being paid the national minimum wage for up to six months,
provided they have previously worked for half of a year) if they are registered to
live in Mexico City. Other publicly financed youth policies practically do not
exist, and if so, jobseekers applying for financial support need to pass an
extended selection process. At the same time, the Mexican and Argentinian
labour markets are comparably less flexible, due to disproportionally high
dismissal costs. In sum and in spite of recent policy innovations in Latin
American labour markets, benefit and activation programmes are often only
accessible to a small share of the workforce that could be eligible.
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