Pernilla Hallonsten Halling

preD

_cxn aDv cxn

_{Acoli (Nilotic)} (S) per.num-bédò ‘to be^{’ / d`Ok`O ‘to become’ màrel-ADJ (S) V mà}rel^-ADJ

Basque (isolate) ^{X-(r)ik adv egoncop}
X-(r)ik _adv V

Cavineña (Tacanan) ^{ADJpred1-da ju-cop S ADJ}pred1.subset^{-da(=foc)(=per.num) V}

Dutch (Indo-Europ^{ean) S cop G.MOD S V G.MOD}

Ewe (Atlantic-Congo) ^{S lev ADJ2(-i ) S V ADJ2(-i )}

Jamsay (Dogon) ^{ADVideo=k`O/=w`O}copv ^{ADVideo V}

Lakota (Siouan) ^{S ST.V-ya/-yela he}_V <sup>S ST.V-ya/-yela V

Lezgian (Nakh-Daghestanian) S ADJ-dakaz /-diz /-z</sup> adv ^amacop ^{S ADJ-dakaz /-diz /-z adv V}

Sahaptin (Sahap^{tian) G.MOD cop G.MODsubset V}

Slave (Athapaskan-Ey^{ak-Tlingit) ST.Vsubset -łé ‘be’ ST.V V}
ST.V_subset ^{-whe˛ ‘want, allow’}

Waiwai (Cariban^{) ADV cop S ADV V}

Yankunytjatjara (P^{ama-Nyungan) S ADJact-cas nyina-Ø ‘sit, live’ S ADJact-cas V
S ADJst-cas nyina-Ø ‘sit, live’/ S ADJ}st.subset^{/G.MOD-cas V}
ngari-Ø ‘lie’/^{pupa-Ø ‘crouch, bend’}

Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ram^{u) (S) ADV1-/ ADV2-ya ‘come’ (S) ADV}1^{-/ ADV2-V}

135

2. Between pred and adv

The partial encoding overlaps of pred and adv discussed in the previous section show
how similar the encoding of these two functions can be. It may still be objected that the two construction types are entirely separate, since the encoding in pred includes one or a very small number of more or less substantial verbs, while the encoding in adv has any of a large number of verbs in the same schematic position. But there are also other encoding patterns that show how pred and adv can be related. At least nine languages in the sample have constructions that are intermediate between pred and adv. This means that it is not possible to distinguish two different functions here. Such examples are not typical instances of either pred or adv, but are rather exactly in between them. It appears that the two functions are not conceptually distinguished in such cases (cf. discussion of adverbs and depictives in German by Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt 2005b, treated in chapter 2). The North-American language Lakota (Siouan) has a construction that is

between
pred
and adv. This is demonstrated in the examples in (7.16), where both

examples can be interpreted as either pred or adv (cf. earlier discussion in section 4.3).

(7.16) Lakota (Siouan) (Ingham 2003: 45)⁷ pred/adv

1. 
   paha
   

mountain
ki
top
waNkatu-ya he

be.high-aDv be

‘The mountain stands high(ly). / The mountain was high.’

2. 
   taku
   

something
waN
one
ska-yela he

be.white-aDv be

‘something stood whitely / there was something white there’
The suffixes -ya and -yela in (7.16) are two of a number of Adverb-deriving suffixes, which attach primarily to verbal stems, but sometimes also to nominal stems (Ingham 2003: 43–44). However, -ya and -yela can be distinguished from the other of these suffixes in that the Adverbs which they form “are often used in a construction with the existential verbs -haN/he or -yaNka/e ‘be in a place’ to describe an object” (2003: 45). Importantly, these existential verbs are not copulas, but full lexical verbs. This is illustrated with he in (7.16) above, which has a use of the existential verb that makes it impossible to distinguish between pred (e.g. ‘The mountain was high.’) and adv (e.g. ‘The mountain stands highly.’ – note that the tense difference comes from the original, but appears not to be signaled in the actual example). In contrast, (7.17) illustrates an example of an Adverb derived with -ya in combination with an action verb.
(7.17) Lakota (Siouan) (Ingham 2003: 43)

taku
something
waN
one
mak’op’o-ya

dust.cloud-aDv

nauNg
gallop
u
come
adv

‘Something came galloping in a cloud of dust.’
Example (7.17) does not contain a property concept, but it shows the same construction as (4.8a-b), with the Verb being exchanged. In summary, in constructional-typological
⁷ These examples are repeated from (4.8) in section 4.2.

notation, the encoding in pred and adv in Lakota can be captured as in (7.18), including all examples considered here, as well as a third form attested in adv (see appendix B).

(7.18)
pred and adv in Lakota

preD

Function: property predication Form 1: S ST.V-ya /-yela he_v Example: (7.16)

aDv

Function: property modification within predicating expression
Form 1: S ST.V-ya /-yela he_v Form 2: S ST.V-ya/-yela V Form 3: ADV V
Example: (7.16), (7.17), (138)

Lakota has two encoding patterns that instantiate overlap of pred and adv. There is

a partial overlap, in the sense that the derived Adverb ST.V-ya/-yela can be combined with the existential Verb he in pred/adv, and with any action Verb in adv (cf. table 7.2 in section 7.3.1). But there is also the construction with the derived Adverb ST.V-ya/- yela combined with the existential Verb he, which appears to be intermediate between pred/adv.
A similar situation holds in Yankunytjatjara (Pama-Nyungan) where what Goddard (1985: 17) calls “Active Adjectives” can be combined either with intransitive “Stance Verbs”, yielding a construction that is intermediate between pred and adv, or with Verbs denoting actions, implying a partial overlap between the two (cf. table 7.2 in section 7.3.1 and examples in appendix B.)
Lahu (Sino-Tibetan) also has a construction that is intermediate between pred and adv. In section 6.4.4, I described the construction that Matisoff (1973: 285) terms “stative adverbials”: these consist of stative Verbs combined with the particle `E. Stative Adverbials modify Verbs, but they primarily occur with a small number of Verbs with abstract meanings. Combinations with other Verbs are possible, but not as frequent.

(7.19) Lahu (Sino-Tibetan) (Matisoff 1973: 287)⁸
pred/adv

(a) yˆO
he
ve
part
úkhEmu
hair
ší

be.yellow

`E
part
c`O
be.there
ve
part
yò
decl

‘He had blond hair. (lit. His hair was there yellow(ly)).’

(b)
a´-m¯ı=j¯1P
sparks
ní

be.red

`E
part
tòP
beam
ve
part

‘The sparks burned red(ly).’
The constructional-typological notation of Lahu in (7.20) captures the fact that the con-
struction that is between pred and adv is only one among several encoding patterns
attested in the two functions (see appendix B for actual other examples).
⁸ (7.19a) and (7.19b) are repeated from (6.40) and (6.41) in section 6.4.4.

(7.20) pred and adv in Lahu

1. preD

Function: property predication
Form 1: N/S ST.V ve_nmlz/rel