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Predicates of	Oriented adverb use
Manner adverb use
dispositions	agentive: John stupidly answered the question.	John answered the question stupidly.
psychological	transparent:	John shouted at
states	John angrily shouted at them.	them angrily.
external	resultative:	Mary dressed
(non-mental) states	Mary dressed elegantly.	elegantly.

Each proposed lexical class has one oriented use and one pure manner use, varying with position for dispositions and psychological states. In the case of external states, Mary dressed elegantly can be interpreted both as manner, where Mary’s manner of dressing was elegant, and as a resultative, where Mary dressed with elegance as a result. In terms of meaning, all the oriented uses in table 2.1 are closely related to their (underlying) adjectival versions. The manner variants are not clearly connected to events, in the way that pure manner adverbs are. According to Geuder, they instead identify “a particular constituent part of an event”, not necessarily “eventive” in itself (2000: 206). This can be illustrated for each of the pairs in table 2.1. For dispositions, John answered the question stupidly indicates that something about the way the question was answered was stupid. For Geuder, a property of a sub-event is determined (2000: 207). In the case of psycho- logical states, the interpretation is connected to an expression in the appearance of an individual, which must also be interpretable from the verb somehow. This should explain why the manner use is straightforward in the example John shouted at them angrily, where the verb shout also reveals something about the appearance of the individual. In comparison, it is not as clear in He left the room angrily, where the verb leave does not give any such clues. For the manner example of an external state, Mary dressed elegantly can refer, e.g., to “elegant movements”, an interpretation that arises from some constituent part of the verb meaning (2000: 206–207).
As mentioned, other adverbs only occur in manner uses. They differ from oriented adverbs in that they may be used in various syntactic positions, as illustrated in (2.12) (2000: 26).
(2.12) John (quickly) threw (*) the book (quickly) into the drawer (quickly).
Geuder does not discuss any potential meaning differences in these positions, apparently assuming that the manner use remains constant. Tenny (2000), on the other hand, based

on similar though somewhat more elaborated examples, makes different interpretations of quickly in terms of whether the event or the process is being modified. The following examples from Travis (1988: 292, cited in Tenny 2000: 288) are presented:

(2.13) (a) Quickly John will be arrested by the police.

2. 
   John quickly will be arrested by the police.
   
3. 
   John will quickly be arrested by the police.
   
4. 
   John will be arrested by the police quickly.
   

In (2.13a–b), quickly is argued to modify the event, meaning that the arrest will happen immediately. In (2.13c–d), quickly is instead intepreted as modifying the process: the manner of arresting will then be quick. It thus seems to be a matter of debate whether typical English manner adverbs display any meaning differences in connection to their syntactic position (cf. the examples from Icelandic in section 2.2). On the other hand, for those adverbs that occur both in oriented and manner versions, the alternation clearly patterns with syntactic position. Importantly though, neither Geuder nor Tenny appear to take any cross-linguistic differences into account. Somewhat startlingly, Geuder draws the following conclusion (2000: 35):
It is tempting to draw the inference that “manner” is a notion that is separate from the lexical senses of the adjectives, and that manner adverbs are (or can be) derivatives of a specific process that can take various types of lexical meanings as its input and delivers a constant kind of output.
Although it is not explicitly stated, it seems that Geuder here somehow admits that man- ner adverbs do not necessarily arise from adjectives, since they are ‘separate’. However, they are still (potentially) called ‘derivatives of a specific process’, implying that the input for derivation may still be the adjectival base. As for their semantics, Geuder states that events that denote some kind of change have “a dimension of speed, and this is certainly a typical notion of manner” (2000: 208).
This can be compared to the RRG account discussed in section 2.3.1, which separates pace (comparable to speed ) from manner. In Geuder’s account, it is furthermore unclear where notions belong that are indifferent in terms of ascribing properties to individuals or events, illustrated by certain cases of beautiful /beautifully, and cases where the meaning may come primarily from the event such as dance beautifully vs. beautiful dancer.
Geuder also discusses the role of morphology in the meaning shifts of adjectives and adverbs in English, and comes to the conclusion that the English -ly ending in itself does not suffice to capture the x- versus e-predicating alternation. This argumentation is built on the assumption that a nominalized verb with an attributive adjective may yield the same meaning as a manner adverb modifying a verb, as in the example to drive dangerously vs. dangerous driving (Geuder 2000: 36). The derivational status of -ly is thus questionable. Many analyses have been put forth along these lines. For instance, several generativists have argued that the “adverbialising affix” is in fact inflectional (e.g. Radford 1988; Dechaine 1993; Alexiadou 1997, all cited in Geuder 2000: 37). Geuder argues that an inflectional analysis of -ly can be supported by data from certain languages other

than English. For instance, the Latin adverbial ending differs based on the adjectival inflectional class (2000: 37). But the inflectional analyses is not the only alternative. Geuder points to the example of Spanish -mente being treated as a case of compounding by Zagona (1990), manifested by examples such as honesta y francamente ‘[honest and frank]-ly’ (2000: 37). In languages as different as Irish and Chinese, adverbs can further be formed by attaching a particle to an adjective. In addition, some languages show absence of any marking whatsoever, as commonly exemplified by German (Geuder 2000: 37). Based on this, Geuder argues that derivation is the only alternative for which there is no clear evidence. In contrast, it seems that “adverb morphology resembles inflection in that it is triggered by factors that reside in the syntactic environment, not in the lexicon” (2000: 38). The same point has been raised by several scholars discussing this issue in various contexts, e.g. Zwicky (1995), Haspelmath (2002), andPayne et al. (2010), If analyzed as a derivational process, adverb formation would stand out against other types of derivation in going only from adjective to adverb, according to Geuder (2000: 39).

In conclusion, two main points on somewhat different dimensions emerge from Geuder’s account of adverbs. Firstly, pure manner adverbs can be clearly distinguished from their corresponding oriented uses, even though the two types sometimes coincide in form, and may be connected in terms of meaning to a certain degree. The second point is the clear division of what Geuder prefers to call underlying adjectives; here, indifferent adjectives apply to both individuals and events, showing no variation. Such an example is beautiful in the functions connected to perception alone. Adjectives that underlyingly describe events are originally e-predicating, but can shift to x-predicating uses, e.g. fast (2000: 209). Conversely, adverbs that pertain to individuals can be shifted to e-predicating variants. The last type consists of the oriented adverbs that are Geuder’s chief interest. In the present study, on the other hand, the focus is primarily on items that underlyingly qualify events, but also on those which are invariant.

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