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Chapter Six: COUNCIL ON FOREIGN
RELATIONS
Since its founding in 1921, the Council on Foreign Relations has been one of
the most prestigious think-tanks devoted to global economic and trade policies in
history. Unlike other private entities (such as the Trilateral Commission or
Bilderberg group), the Council on Foreign Relations has woven itself into the
fabric of American society, becoming a deeply ingrained public informer and
policy advisors most American citizens simply take for granted, never
questioning how much influence this seemingly “private” entity has over both
domestic and international politics.
Which might be precisely why this 5000-member private “think tank” is
viewed with such suspicion by critical observers.
Few Americans can argue that issues of free trade, financial regulations and
economic consolidations are at the forefront of the current U.S. economic
system. But how are those policies constructed? Who or what informs them?
Why is it U.S. voters get very little say in how policies which affect domestic
jobs on the most critical level are implemented? Are these policies in the best
interest of the American public? Or do they serve entities that have a much
more specific interest in mind; an interest that serves not only global entities, but
a wholesale global consolidation of power of which the U.S. represents only one
very small aspect—and furthermore, one in which the interests of democracy
play absolutely no role whatsoever?
In order to better examine the role that the Council has played within setting
both domestic and international policies over the past 95 years, it’s necessary to
go back to the history of the Council and examine the pretext and context in
which it was formed.
Origins of the Council on Foreign Relations
Immediately following the first World War, America faced a certain dilemma
on its interaction with foreign nations, in particular Germany. America had been
an initial supporter of Germany during its entrance into the war, but public and
government sentiment soon turned against the nation, and support was at best
ambivalent; and at worst, critical. After Germany’s defeat, a fellowship of
leading scholars, economists and political advisors had been asked to brief then-
President Woodrow Wilson (who had famously used the term ‘New World
Order’ during his Fourteen Points speech of 1918 when he stated apropos of
Germany’s involvement in WWI: “
We wish her only to accept a place of
equality among the peoples of the world – the new world in which we now live –
instead of a place of mastery
.
”) about options of international diplomacy once
the war had ended. At the conclusion of the delegates’ participation in the Paris
Peace Conference of 1919, they decided to create an Anglo-American private
institution called The Institute of International Affairs, which would proffer an
independent, non-partisan opinion on international relations. Yet the American
public was wary of any internationalist activity as a result of the tragedies of
WWI, and withdrew support in a wave of public outcry. The fellowship instead
reconstituted under the name of the Council on Foreign Relations and began
meeting discreetly to avoid arousing public suspicion until 1922, when they
announced their formal incorporation.
Immediately prior to the outbreak of WWII, both the Ford, Rockefeller and
Carnegie Foundations—all of whom have been noted as having distinct ties to
the Illuminati, with the Rockefellers serving as the chief “bloodline”—began
funding the Council, leading to the establishment of various sub-committees
which served to influence both local and national leaders, and subsequently
public opinion about growing concerns and threats to international diplomacy.
Eventually, the Council’s esteem within the federal government became so great
that during the outbreak of WWII they were asked to be strategic advisors on
economic, military and political imperatives facing America’s entry into the war.
Their prominence within key strategic initiatives of the U.S. Government
continued to last through the Cold War and Vietnam (a survey of over 500
government officials conducted between 1945 and 1972 indicated that well over
50% were serving or had served as key members of the Council) up until this
very day. Which hastens to ask, why would a private, independent, non-partisan
membership organization have such a key and decisive influence over economic,
political and military initiatives?
Perhaps most prescient are the words of former Supreme Court Justice Felix
Frankfurter, who stated at the height of the Council’s disproportionate
representation in the U.S. government during WWII and the Cold War: “
The
real rulers in Washington are invisible and exercise power from behind the
scenes.
”
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