Understanding consumer online shopping behaviour from the perspective of transaction costs



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et al.
2003) or no relationship (Li
 et al.
1999, Rohm and Swaminathan 2004, Hernandez
 et al.
2011). Such a discrepancy in research findings might be caused by different criteria for 
defining age groups in different studies. For example, the above studies used a 10-year span 
(Li
 et al.
1999, Stafford
 et al.
2004), 15-year span (Donthu and Garcia 1999), 20-year span 
(Rohm and Swaminathan 2004), respectively. Broader ranges may lessen the effect of age. 
Therefore, a standard age categorization scheme should be adopted in future studies to make 
cross-study comparisons feasible. 
As a variable that may encourage or prevent the adoption of online shopping, income is 
another characteristic that has attracted considerable research attention in the field of 
technology acceptance (Allard
 et al.
2009, Shin 2009). Several studies have included it as an 
explanatory variable of shopping behaviour, yet the results concerning its significance are 
contradictory (Miyazaki and Fernandez 2001, Raijas and Tuunainen 2001, Lu
 et al.
2003, Al-
Somali
 et al.
2009). Some studies showed that online shoppers tend to earn more money than 
traditional store shoppers (Donthu and Garcia 1999, Korgaonkar and Wolin 1999, Li
 et al.
1999, Bagchi and Mahmood 2004, Mahmood
 et al.
2004, Susskind 2004), given the fact that 
the most popular items purchased online, including books, CDs, holiday and leisure travel, 
PC hardware, and software, are all “normal goods”—those for which demand increases as 
income increases. Higher income causes internet users to perceive lower implicit risks in 
undertaking online purchases and thereby affects their demand for internet products and 


34
services. In contrast, other studies did not find a significant effect of income level on online 
purchase intention (Raijas and Tuunainen 2001, Sin and Tse 2002, Hernandez
 et al.
2011).
A large number of studies have been conducted to investigate the impact of education level 
on online shopping behaviour and suggested that online shoppers are not necessarily more 
educated. Whereas some studies identified a positive relationship between education and the 
time and money consumers spent online (Li
 et al.
1999, Liao and Cheung 2001, Burroughs 
and Sabherwal 2002, Sin and Tse 2002, Susskind 2004), others did not find any significant 
impact (Bellman
 et al.
1999, Donthu and Garcia 1999, Bagchi and Mahmood 2004, 
Mahmood
 et al.
2004). This may be explained by the fact that online shopping is a relatively 
easy task, which does not require a higher education level. 
Scholars have paid attention to the impacts of differing cultures on online consumer 
behaviour. The literature suggests that the difference in the culture between western and 
eastern countries can lead to varied online shopping behaviour (O'Keefe
 et al.
2000, Liu and 
McClure 2001, Chau
 et al.
2002, Huang 2003, Park and Jun 2003, Park
 et al.
2004, Qureshi
 
et al.
2009, San Martín
 et al.
2009, Constantinides
 et al.
2010, San Martín and Camarero 
2012). In an individualistic culture, for example U.S.A and Australia, where the ties between 
individuals are loose, people tend to use the Internet mainly for personal purposes such as e-
commerce and information searching (O'Keefe
 et al.
2000, Chau
 et al.
2002, Park and Jun 
2003, Smith
 et al.
2013). In a collectivistic culture, for example China, Singapore, and 
Mexico, people are integrated into strong and cohesive groups (Minkov and Hofstede 2011). 
They use the Internet mainly for social communication and hobbies, such as 
sending/receiving e-mails, accessing/ downloading software, and conducting work-related 
research (Wee and Ramachandra 2000). In addition, a society with more masculinity, for 


35
example Britain, tends to have a greater gender divide and predominantly male shoppers than 
a less masculine society, for example Taiwan (Shiu and Dawson 2002). Stafford et al. (2004) 
compared the online shopping behaviour of consumers in the U.S.A, Turkey, and Finland. 
The masculinity scores, according to Hofstede’s (1980, 2010) index, were high for the U.S.A, 
low for Turkey, and Finland had the lowest of the three countries. The results showed that 
consumers from less masculine societies were less involved in online shopping than those 
from more masculine societies, which was consistent with the findings of gender pattern in 
online shopping (Zayer and Coleman 2012).

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