partly in
fl
uencing broader resource
fl
ows and, at times, even the narrative of
development. Importantly, such extrACTIVISM measures success not in parts per
million, degrees Celsius, or species disappearance but by their ability to mitigate
and ultimately stave o
ff
harmful extractivist practices. Put di
ff
erently, they focus not
on the atmosphere, hydrosphere, or lithosphere
per se
but on the lived experience
of those at the receiving end of hyper-extractivist exploitation. Their focus is dig-
nity, survival, and justice rather than planetary wellbeing. To them, environmental
disaster is not some globalized extinction but the cries of those on the frontlines of
justice-displacing extractivism.
For those looking for planetwide political e
ff
ectiveness
—
for example, a dramatic
reduction in global carbon emissions, deforestation, or globally traded minerals
—
extrACTIVISM might appear parochial or marginal. However, this would miss its
power to contest a politics of postponement. The
“
wins
”
of extrACTIVISM are
Thresholds of Injustice
61
not geographically circumscribed. Like all political action, they reverberate beyond
stopping a single mining operation, clear-cut forest, hydropower dam, or hydraulic
fracturing facility. As communication networks share extrACTIVISTS
’
strategies
and stories and as others replicate their actions, the e
ff
ort is beginning to loosen the
cultural and practical hold that fossil fuel industries and extractivism more generally
have over people
’
s lives and suggest the possibility of a more fair and humane
future. They seek local justice or advance place-based criticism against the global
reach of extractivist industries and, in doing so, ironically contribute to wider cri-
tiques of extractivism as a mindset and practice. They shift, in other words, the
balance of legitimacy over extractive industries and the ethics of environmental
harm. To be sure, like the steps toward the irrevocable crossing of global ecological
thresholds, such shifting comes about not in one dramatic moment but in incre-
ments of ethical adjustment. Put di
ff
erently, extrACTIVISM does not change the
state of global a
ff
airs through a frontal attack but by altering the lived experience of
resistors, the possible horizon of what activists can strive for, and the normative
framework within which environmental a
ff
airs operate. While certainly not a
panacea, extrACTIVISM represents one way that environmentalists are going
beyond global threshold thinking and refocusing attention on worldly pain, vio-
lence, justice, and reclamation. It signals an evolution of EJ in which justice is not
simply a partner to environmental protection but central to the meaning and goals
of environmental wellbeing. Moreover, by pulling the environmentalist gaze from
the globe to the trenches of environmental con
fl
ict, it robs the politics of post-
ponement of its foundational grounding. No longer do planetary boundaries pro-
vide the measuring rod for environmental destruction and thus no longer can
politicians, corporate executives, and other powerful elites dismiss environmental
urgency. The
“
end
”
is here. It is etched onto the nervous systems, skin, and muscle
of those upon whom environmental harm has been displaced.
Conclusion
The 1960s and 1970s represented a high-water mark of environmentalism. They gave
birth to the modern environmental movement. At the time, journalists, activists,
scholars, and others recognized the unsustainability of industrial society and launched
pleas to change course. Dire warnings sat at the center of their e
ff
orts. Envir-
onmentalists pointed out the
fi
nitude of the Earth. The planet simply could not sup-
port inde
fi
nite numbers of people with insatiable material appetites. If population,
a
ffl
uence, and technological capability continued to increase and if consumerism
remained the world
’
s secular identity, environmentalists warned that eventually the
planet itself will buckle under ecological pressure. As Herman Daly put it years ago,
“
growth is an impossibility theorem
”
(1993). The planet has only so much regen-
erative power. Pressed too far, it will eventually weaken and collapse.
Environmentalists of the 1960s and 1970s were able to make such predictions
because they subscribed to a neo-Malthusian understanding of biophysical limits
and holistic planetary functionality. As a result, they failed to see the elasticity that
62
Paul Wapner
politics can introduce. Their global focus helped create a visibility problem that
obscured how people displace environmental harm onto the lives of others and
how political power can both direct such displacement and use it to justify delaying
action. Unable to see the
“
end
”
as experienced by those on the frontlines of
unfolding environmental degradation, the more powerful essentially pushed back
the thresholds of cataclysm. They learned to master a politics of postponement.
Environmentalism has evolved since the 1960s and 1970s. Most dramatically, it
has spawned the EJ movement wherein activists have come to see environmental
harm as an instance and result of broader structural and institutional forms of dis-
crimination, chauvinism, and racist and classist injustice. As a result, they have also
come to see that addressing environmental degradation cannot be done without
rooting out the deeper animators of social unfairness and oppression. The EJ
movement has made signi
fi
cant gains by providing a broader tent for envir-
onmentalism by including labor unions, landless workers, human rights advocates,
indigenous people, anti-corporate activists, and all who experience or make rejec-
tion of injustice their cause. It has also done so by adding an additional ethical
dimension to environmentalism
’
s values and purpose by foregrounding the indig-
nities that accompany environmental degradation. At the same time, it must be
acknowledged, EJ has also created new risks for environmentalism by exposing
activists to the threats and dangers that have long attended social justice advocacy.
As hyper-extractivism has introduced a new, more menacing form of environ-
mental intensi
fi
cation and has increasingly set the pulse of economic practice and
reshaped worldwide patterns of collective life, EJ has sprung a new frontier of resis-
tance and contestation
—
extrACTIVISM, whereby activists are confronting large-
scale extractive industries on the ground. They recognize the injustices they continue
to endure and the existential dangers such injustice entails and
fi
ght for survival and
dignity at the local level. Importantly, this means that extrACTIVISTS are respond-
ing not only to prudential concerns about dwindling resources, tapped-out pollution
sinks, and the despoiling of certain sites, but to the moral foundations that support
the entire exploitative, extractivist mindset. They reject a world premised on an
economistic accounting of value and animated by capitalist forces that envision life as
merely a set of objects to be extracted, transported, manufactured, used, and dis-
carded. It is in this sense that extrACTIVISTS subscribe to a di
ff
erent measure of
environmental impact. We must forget planetary thresholds and concentrate on the
lived experience of actual communities. Forget the Earth
’
s organic infrastructure and
attend to the injustices of ripping land out from under people, polluting people
’
s
homes, and pushing workers to extremes in an e
ff
ort to hyper-extract labor. In short,
we must relax concentration on the brittleness of planetary limits and instead concern
ourselves with the elasticity of human pain and su
ff
ering. In doing so, sensitivity
replaces technical prognosis, and observation supplants prediction. Instead of calcu-
lating and waiting for the end of the Earth
—
and encouraging a politics of post-
ponement
—
a signi
fi
cant slice of environmentalism now notices and resists extractivist
assaults wherever they occur, independent of their so-called ultimate, planetary sig-
ni
fi
cance. As a result, extrACTIVISTS not only
fi
ght to secure the wellbeing of their
Thresholds of Injustice
63
communities and shift conventional narratives of resource exploitation, but also to
undermine justi
fi
cations for political postponement.
One
fi
nal word: in highlighting extrACTIVISM and its ethical intervention, I
am not arguing that environmentalists should ignore planetary measures. Climate
science, conservation biology, toxicology, and so forth must, necessarily, ponder
and try to identify tipping points after which cascading, planetary environmental
decline happens. Rather, I am posing a warning about the politics of such practice.
To the degree that environmentalists focus on global thresholds, they make them-
selves prone to ignore the dynamics of how some people su
ff
er disproportionately
as the world approaches such boundaries and how the world actually breaks down.
The world will not disappear in a single evaporation. It will unhinge and
is
unhinging, one landscape and one being at a time. Each instance is an end.
Resisting the end is a moral responsibility, and arguably it must lie at the heart of
all environmental concern.
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