Equity:
where the distribution of, say, income or wealth is fair.
KEY TERM
Equity has two sides to it. Th
ese are:
1
horizontal equity, whereby consumers and others with
the same circumstances should pay the same level of
taxation
2
vertical equity, whereby taxes should be fairly apportioned
between the rich and the poor in society.
Th
e various types of market failure discussed in
Chapters 3
and 6 have resulted in effi
ciency and equity being major
objectives of microeconomic policy. But herein lies a
problem – policies that are used to promote effi
ciency may
have the eff ect of increasing inequality. For example, when
a consumer good is scarce, its price rises; those most able
to pay will continue to consume but the increased price
will hurt those on lower incomes much more. Also, those
who work hard and take risks are likely to be better off than
others. As a consequence, governments invariably fi nd it
necessary to have a trade-off between equity and effi
ciency.
Creating a more equal distribution on income may
require incentives to be made to improve effi
ciency. Th
ese
incentives are designed to prompt people to take risks and
so improve the standard of living for all concerned.
TOP TIP
Equity is not the same as equality. Governments seek to
reduce inequality in the distribution of income in various
ways but have had only limited success. At the same time
they have to ensure that the distribution is equitable
through its policies being fair to all of the population.
Income and wealth
It is important to distinguish between income and
wealth
.
Income, as we saw in
Chapter 1
, is the reward for the
services of a factor of production. For labour, it is paid in
wages and salaries or rent, interest and profi ts in the cases
Average costs and hence consumer prices will be higher
than if the company was in private ownership. Th
is situation
relates to the property rights issue referred to earlier whereby
there is little or no pressure on managers to be more effi
cient.
Consequently, productive effi
ciency declines. A further
related argument is that in a private business, managers have
the freedom to manage; they can raise funds for investment
and are not restricted by how the government says that they
should manage. Effi
ciency, therefore, is a key issue.
Th
ere are, however, valid arguments for the
nationalisation of certain activities, again from an
effi
ciency standpoint. One of the best reasons is the natural
monopoly argument put forward in
Chapter 7,
where it
was suggested that it does not make sense for there to be
more than one provider of, say, a railway line or a canal.
With privatisation and competition it can be argued that
duplication will ensue, leading to ineffi
ciency, higher prices
and less output. A second reason is that privatisation can
oft en lead to a private monopoly replacing a state-owned
monopoly. Th
is will produce few, if any, benefi ts for
consumers – the monopolist will be able to exert power in
the market to raise prices and restrict output.
Another argument is that, following privatisation, it is
invariably necessary for some degree of regulation and control
to be put in place to protect consumers from the market
power of large private companies. Without such controls in
place, prices would rise faster than under state ownership and
the consumer would lose out. Th
ese are all valid reasons for
retaining state ownership of an industry. Whether an industry
is privatised or remains in state control is oft en a political
decision and not one solely based on economics.
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