ANNE CASE and ANGUS DEATON
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These accounts share much, though not all, with Charles Murray’s
(2012) account of decline among whites in his fictional “Fishtown.” Murray
argues that traditional American virtues—especially industriousness—are
being lost among working-class white Americans. In this argument, the
withdrawal of men from the labor force reflects this loss of industrious-
ness; young men in particular prefer leisure—which is now more valu-
able because of video games (Aguiar and others 2017)—though much of
the withdrawal of young men is for education (Krueger 2016). The loss
of virtue is supported and financed by government payments, particularly
disability payments (Eberstadt 2016). If this malaise is responsible for
the mortality and morbidity epidemic, it is unclear why we do not see
rising mortality rates for blacks, for Hispanics, for more educated whites,
or indeed for Europeans, although this last group has universal health care
and, again, a much more generous safety net. Indeed, in some European
countries, disability programs are so generous and so widely claimed that
average retirement ages are below the minimum legal retirement age (Gruber
and Wise 2007).
According to Alan Krueger (2016), half the men who are out of the
labor force are taking pain medication, and two-thirds of those take a pre-
scription painkiller, such as an opioid. Doctors also bear responsibility
for their willingness to (over)prescribe drugs (Quinones 2015; Barnett,
Olenski, and Jena 2017), especially when they have little idea of how to
cure addiction if and when it occurs. There are also reasonable questions
about an approval system run by the U.S. Food and Drug Administra-
tion that licenses a class of drugs that has killed about 200,000 people.
We should note that a central beneficiary of opioids are the pharmaceuti-
cal companies that have promoted their sales. According to Harriet Ryan,
Lisa Girion, and Scott Glover (2016), Purdue Pharmaceutical had earned
$31 billion from sales of OxyContin as of mid-2016.
In our account here, we emphasize the labor market, globalization, and
technical change as the fundamental forces, and put less focus on any loss
of virtue, though we certainly accept that the latter could be a consequence
of the former. Virtue is easier to maintain when it is rewarded. Yet there
is surely general agreement on the roles played by changing beliefs and
attitudes, particularly the acceptance of cohabitation, and of the rearing of
children in unstable cohabiting unions.
These slow-acting social forces seem to us to be plausible candi-
dates to explain rising morbidity and mortality, particularly suicide and
the other deaths of despair, which share much with suicide. As we have
emphasized elsewhere (Case and Deaton 2017), purely economic accounts
434
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Spring 2017
of suicide have rarely been successful in explaining the phenomenon. If
they work at all, they work through their effects on family, on spiritual
fulfillment, and on how people perceive meaning and satisfaction in their
lives in a way that goes beyond material success. At the same time, increas-
ing distress, and the failure of life to turn out as expected, are consistent
with people compensating through other risky behaviors such as abuse of
alcohol and drug use that predispose toward the outcomes we have been
discussing.
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