Jews and Turks in Germany after 9/11 · 87
to legally enact a ban on wearing the headscarf in schools. Most states
were in favor of the ban, particularly the states that were governed by
the conservative Christian Democrats, such as Baden-Württemberg.
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Until recently, it would have been unthinkable to ask a Jewish man, for
example, to remove his
kippa (skullcap)
in Germany. This double stan-
dard, tolerating Jewish practices while opposing Turkish ones, is another
reason why Turks have associated themselves with Jews and asked for
equal recognition in public space. The secular immigrant organizations,
such as the TBB, on the other hand, identifying with the Jacobin character
of the Turkish constitution, supported the ban on all religious symbols
from the public sphere.
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Granting
ḥalāl, ritual slaughtering of animals, has been an important
cultural struggle for Turkish immigrants in Germany.
Ḥalāl slaughtering
requires that the animal’s throat should be cut with a sharp knife and the
blood be drained from the vessels. This contradicts the German regula-
tion that animals should be stunned by electric shock before slaughter-
ing. Although Jews are allowed to practice similar slaughtering practices,
known as
sheḥita, the situation for Turks periodically becomes controver-
sial, especially before the Ramadan feast, which requires a mass sacrifice
and ritual slaughtering
of certain animals, such as sheep and cattle.
Recently a Turkish butcher, Rüstem Altınküpe, struggled to provide
ḥalāl meat to his clients during Ramadan.
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He was supported by various
Turkish and Muslim associations and organizations that claimed a right
to practice their religion in Germany. After days of public campaign in
the media, and bureaucratic struggles with the German state, the Muslim
community (i.e., the butcher) gained the right to slaughter animals with
a
sharp knife, but under very strict conditions.
M. Y., the head of the law office of Milli Görüs, a conservative religious
immigrant organization that is associated with political Islam, finds it
natural to work with the German Jewish community on this and simi-
lar subjects.
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He participated in a discussion in the parliament of North
Rhine–Westfalia to defend Muslims’ right to slaughter animals according
to Islamic ritual:
In one instance, I took part in a discussion in North Rhine–Westfalia
[parliament] about slaughtering according to Islamic ritual. I talked
to these people for a long time. I presented all the rational argu-
ments: freedom of religion, anti-discrimination laws, etc. But they
88 · Gökçe
Yurdakul and Y. Michal Bodemann
argued very harshly and often emotionally against us. They did not
listen to my arguments. Following me, a rabbi spoke. He said, “You
have no right to talk like that. In 1933 as well, as an anti-Semitic
measure, ritual slaughtering was outlawed. Following these anti-
Semitic measures, 6 million people were murdered.” Suddenly, the
discussion fell silent. Nobody wanted to speak to that. I think if I
was in that situation, I could not accept these drastic arguments,
and I would leave the discussion. But in this country, following the
increasing anti-Semitic politics, six million people were murdered.
So no one can simply leave while the rabbi is speaking. That would
be a scandal. So they listened to the end. When we left, I told him,
“Many thanks. So that is how one has to express oneself. Our situ-
ation is different.” He said to me, “I know that they keep grudges
against me. That is in their genes. The best you can do is to be stand-
ing close to us Jews. As minorities we have to fight discrimination
together. To us they have to listen. Your words will not be listened
to.”
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Obviously, this is not simply about slaughtering animals and eating meat;
it is about practicing the laws of one’s religion, as do Christians and Jews.
While Jews and Muslims are often in opposition to each other, Turkish
Muslims point to the parallel with German Jews to claim religious rights
from the German state.
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