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TA B L E 1 8 . 2
The Cost of Rescuing Banks in a Number of Countries
Country
Date
Cost as Percentage of GDP
1980–2007
Indonesia
1997–2001
57
Argentina
1980–1982
55
Thailand
1997–2000
44
Chile
1981–1985
43
Turkey
2000–2001
32
South Korea
1997–1998
31
Israel
1977
30
Ecuador
1998–2002
22
Mexico
1994–1996
19
China
1998
18
Malaysia
1997–1999
16
Philippines
1997–2001
13
Brazil
1994–1998
13
Finland
1991–1995
13
Argentina
2001–2003
10
Jordan
1989–1991
10
Hungary
1991–1995
10
Czech Republic
1996–2000
7
Sweden
1991–1995
4
United States
1988
4
Norway
1991–1993
3
2007–2009
Iceland
2007–2009
13
Ireland
2007–2009
8
Luxembourg
2007–2009
8
Netherlands
2007–2009
7
Belgium
2007–2009
5
United Kingdom
2007–2009
5
United States
2007–2009
4
Germany
2007–2009
1
Source: Luc Laeven and Fabian Valencia, “Resolution of Banking Crises: The Good, the Bad and the Ugly,”
IMF Working Paper No. WP/10/46 (June 2010) and Luc Laeven, Banking Crisis Database at
http://www.luclaeven.com/Data.htm
.
Chapter 18 Financial Regulation
447
“Déjà Vu All Over Again”
In the banking crises in these different countries, history keeps repeating itself. The
parallels between the banking crisis episodes in all these countries are remarkably
similar, creating a feeling of déjà vu. They all started with financial liberalization or
innovation, with weak bank regulatory systems and a government safety net.
Although financial liberalization is generally a good thing because it promotes com-
petition and can make a financial system more efficient, it can lead to an increase
in moral hazard, with more risk taking on the part of banks if there is lax regulation
and supervision; the result can then be banking crises.
4
However, the banking crisis episodes listed in Table 18.2 do differ in that deposit
insurance has not played an important role in many of the countries experiencing
banking crises. For example, the size of the Japanese equivalent of the FDIC, the
Systemic
banking crises
Episodes of
nonsystemic
banking crises
No crises
Insufficient
information
F I G U R E 1 8 . 2
Banking Crises Throughout the World Since 1970
Source: World Bank: “Episodes of Systemic and Borderline Financial Crises” by Gerard Caprio and Daniela Klingebiel. ©January 2003.
4
A second Web appendix to this chapter, can be found on this book’s Web site at
www.pearsonhighered
.com/mishkin_eakins
, discusses in detail many of the episodes of banking crises listed in Table 18.2.
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Part 6 The Financial Institutions Industry
Deposit Insurance Corporation, was so tiny relative to the FDIC that it did not play
a prominent role in the banking system and exhausted its resources almost imme-
diately with the first bank failures. This example indicates that deposit insurance is
not to blame for some of these banking crises. However, what is common to all the
countries discussed here is the existence of a government safety net, in which the
government stands ready to bail out banks whether deposit insurance is an impor-
tant feature of the regulatory environment or not. It is the existence of a government
safety net, and not deposit insurance per se, that increases moral hazard incentives
for excessive risk taking on the part of banks.
The Dodd-Frank Bill and Future Regulation
The recent global financial crisis, discussed in detail in Chapter 8, has led to bank-
ing crises throughout the world, and it is too soon to tell how large the costs of res-
cuing the banks will be as a result of this episode (which is why they are not listed
in Table 18.2). Given the size of the bailouts and the nationalization of so many finan-
cial institutions, the system of financial regulation is undergoing dramatic changes.
Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and
Consumer Protection Act of 2010
In July 2010, after over a year of discussion, the Dodd-Frank bill was passed. It is
the most comprehensive financial reform legislation since the Great Depression. It
addresses five different categories of regulation that are discussed next.
Consumer Protection
This legislation creates a new Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau that is funded and housed within the Federal Reserve, although it is a com-
pletely independent agency. It has the authority to examine and enforce regulations
for all businesses engaged in issuing residential mortgage products that have more
than $10 billion in assets, as well as for issuers of other financial products marketed
to poor people. It requires lenders to make sure there is an ability to repay residen-
tial mortgages by requiring verification of income, credit history, and job status. It
also bans payments to brokers for pushing borrowers into higher-priced loans. It
allows states to impose stricter consumer protection laws on national banks and gives
state attorney-generals power to enforce certain rules issued by the new bureau. It
also permanently increases the level of federal deposit insurance to $250,000.
Resolution Authority
Although before this legislation, the FDIC had the ability to
seize failing banks and wind them down, the government did not have such a reso-
lution authority over the largest financial institutions—those structured as holding
companies. Indeed, the U.S. Treasury and the Federal Reserve argued that one rea-
son they were unable to rescue Lehman Brothers and instead had to let it go into
bankruptcy was that they did not have the legal means to take Lehman over and break
it up. The Dodd-Frank bill now provides the U.S. government with this authority
for financial firms that are deemed systemic, that is firms who pose a risk to the over-
all financial system because their failure would cause widespread damage. It also gives
regulators the right to levy fees on financial institutions with more than $50 billion
in assets to recoup any losses.
Chapter 18 Financial Regulation
449
Systemic Risk Regulation
The bill creates a Financial Stability Oversight Council,
chaired by the Treasury secretary, which would monitor markets for asset price bub-
bles and the buildup of systemic risk. In addition, it would designate which financial
firms are systemically important. These firms would be subject to additional regula-
tion by the Federal Reserve, which would include higher capital standards and stricter
liquidity requirements, as well as requirements that they draw up a “living will,” that
is, a plan for orderly liquidation if the firm gets into financial difficulties.
Volcker Rule
Banks would be limited in the extent of their proprietary trading,
that is trading with their own money, and would only be allowed to own a small per-
centage of hedge and private equity funds. These provisions are named after Paul
Volcker, a former Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, who
argued that banks should not be allowed to take large trading risks when they receive
the benefits of federal deposit insurance.
Derivatives
Financial instruments whose payoffs are linked to (i.e., derived from)
previously issued securities are known as financial derivatives. As is discussed
in Chapter 8, derivatives such as credit default ended up being “weapons of mass
destruction” that helped lead to a financial meltdown when AIG had to be rescued
after making overly extensive use of them. To prevent this from happening again, the
Dodd-Frank bill requires many standardized derivative products to be traded on
exchanges and cleared through clearinghouses to reduce the risk of losses if one
counterparty in the derivative transaction goes bankrupt. More customized deriva-
tive products would be subject to higher capital requirements. Banks would be
banned from some of their derivatives dealing operations such as those involving
riskier swaps. In addition, it imposes capital and margin requirements on firms deal-
ing in derivatives and forces them to disclose more information about their activities.
Future Regulation
The Dodd-Frank bill leaves out many details of future regulation and does not address
some important regulatory issues at all. Here we discuss several areas where regu-
lation may be heading in the future.
Capital Requirements
Regulation and supervision of financial institutions to ensure
that they have enough capital to cope with the amount of risk they take are likely to
be strengthened. Given the risks they were taking before the recent financial crisis, banks
and investment banks did not have enough capital relative to their assets and their risky
activities. Similarly the capital at AIG was not sufficient to cover the high risk it was
taking by issuing credit insurance. Capital requirements will almost surely be beefed
up for all of these institutions. Banks’ sponsoring of structured investment vehicles
(SIVs), which were supposedly off-balance-sheet but came back on the balance sheet
once the SIVs got into trouble, indicate that some off-balance-sheet activities should
be treated as though they are on the balance sheet, and this will be a focus of future reg-
ulation. In addition, because of the too-big-to-fail problem, systemically important finan-
cial institutions are likely to take on more risk, and so the regulations to increase capital
requirements for these firms are likely. Also capital requirements are likely to be adjusted
to increase in booms and decrease in busts so that they become more countercyclical
in order to restrain the boom-and-bust cycle in credit markets.
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Part 6 The Financial Institutions Industry
Compensation
As we saw in Chapter 8, the high fees and executive compensation
that have so outraged the public created incentives for the financial industry to push
out securities that turned out to be much riskier than advertised and have proved
to be disastrous. Regulators, particularly at the Federal Reserve are closely studying
regulations to modify compensation in the financial services industry to reduce risk
taking. For example, regulators are in the process of issuing requirements that bonuses
be paid out for a number of years after they have been earned and only if the firm
has remained in good health. Such “clawbacks” will encourage employees to reduce
the riskiness of their activities so that they are more likely to be paid these bonuses
in the future.
Government-Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs)
A major gap in the Dodd-Frank
bill is that it does not address the privately owned government-sponsored enter-
prises such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. As we saw in Chapter 8, both of these
firms got into serious financial trouble and had to be taken over by the govern-
ment. The likely result is that taxpayers will be on the hook for several hundred
billion dollars. To prevent this from occurring again, there are four routes that
the government might take:
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