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’
.
This type of intervention in a conflict situation entails four components.
First, it offers a ‘new (moral) vision’ of how reality and relationships
with one another can be. Secondly, it builds ‘bridges’, i.e. ‘tangible
and intangible connections between diverse groups so that they can
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communicate their respective needs and aspirations’. It also ‘heals’
the actual conflict, usually through mediation, and lastly, it also ‘heals
the wounds of history’, which would otherwise inhibit future healthy
relationships.
Complementary to this is the analysis of different stages of religious
conflict transformation provided by Appleby (2000). He argues that
transformation of religious conflict should take place at all levels of the
conflict cycle. Several tools are involved. One is ‘conflict management’,
which needs to be supported by raising public awareness about conflict
drivers and origins. Another is ‘conflict resolution’, which should be
based on dialogue and educational activities to promote understanding
of the Other. In addition, mediation activities and good offices need to
be undertaken by religious leaders. Other tools are ‘post- conflict peace-
building’ and ‘structural reform’, which require intervention by religious
leaders and organisations through humanitarian activities, and social
integration activities, particularly for the most vulnerable and poorest
parts of society.
Appleby also identifies three modes of religious conflict transformation.
First is ‘crisis mobilisation’, the social mobilisation inspired by religion
during an acute crisis, such as the non-violent opposition by Gandhi to
British colonial rule. Second is the ‘saturation mode’, or the long-term
peace work at different levels of society that leads to the institutionalisa-
tion of peacebuilding activities within a society, such as the peace work
done in Northern Ireland for several decades. Third is the ‘interventionist
mode’, or activities undertaken by religious actors, internal and external,
such as mediation and training activities.
An important body of literature offers practical advice on how to
promote interreligious dialogue, and to use religion for peacebuilding
purposes. Steele (2011) emphasises the need for long-term commit-
ment to transforming societies to build peace. Other scholars stress
that when dealing with conflict situations, practical problems should be
addressed first, before value differences are tackled with respect and
common understanding.
Academics in this field argue from either an experientialist (e.g. Marc
Gopin) or a constructivist perspective (e.g. Jean-Nicolas Bitter 2003,
2009). Experientialists focus on individual experiences, based on
the fact that devotees all share experiences of spirituality – this is
the common feature of religions worldwide – and can thus come to
British Academy //
The Role of Religion in Conflict and Peacebuilding
41
a mutual understanding of conflicts and ultimately promote conflict
resolution. Constructivists, on the other hand, see religion as a means
for the members of a society to obtain orientation and guidance.
Religion can thus help its members to create meaning and provide an
understanding of conflict drivers. Gopin (2000) argued that policymakers
need to develop and actively promote the potential of religions to cope
with violence and overcome conflict, that religions can help societies
to develop a shared vision of joint responsibility and commitment, and
that the in-depth study of religious value systems can help us to better
understand conflict drivers within religions, and eventually turn them
into peacebuilding factors.
The experientialist and the constructivist approach are both non-
functionalist approaches. They see religion as a set of norms and rules
that directly form the reality that its adherents experience. In contrast,
functionalist approaches emphasise the ways in which religion can
be used to decode and decipher principles, norms and rules within
a society, and thus contribute to an understanding of the perceptions
and values of conflict actors (Aroua 2010).
Scholars apply these different theories to case studies to analyse the
transformative power of religion. Looking at local conflicts between
Christian and Muslim communities in Nigeria, Smock (1995, 2002, 2009)
emphasises the bridging, universal role of religion, based on individual
spiritual experiences of the devotees (experientialist approach). Bitter
(2009) examines to what extent religious beliefs divide people in Tajik-
istan, and shows, nonetheless, how peace can be promoted with practi-
cal activities that address concrete problems (constructivist approach).
From a more practical perspective, Weingardt (2008a, 2008b)
establishes a list of factors that in his view can strengthen the role of
‘religion-based’ actors in promoting peace, based on a thorough analysis
of case studies from around the world. It is worth summarising these
points here.
1.
‘Religion-based’ actors need sufficient financial, technical and human
resources for expert training, networking activities, public relations
campaigns, human rights monitoring, electoral observation, conflict
prevention and reconciliation projects.
2.
Internal ‘religion-based’ actors are needed. Even if external
actors want to get engaged in conflict resolution activities, they
are more likely to succeed if they rely on internal actors in the
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conflict. Yet, Weingardt argues, such actors need to be identified,
strengthened and supported over the long run, through support to
relevant organisations and actors through trainings, cooperation,
and networking. The value of involving faith-based grassroots actors
and whole indigenous communities, and not just religious leaders,
is reiterated by a number of scholars (see among others Little 2007;
Lederach 1997; Johnston 2003, 2005).
3.
Religious education should focus on the positive
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