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Spirit of the
Times
, and afterward formed a business partnership with Mr. Story who,
with Mr. Greeley, invested about $240. They established a penny paper, and
were moderately successful, but Mr. Story was drowned and his place was
filled by another. His connection with the 
New Yorker
was his next business
venture. While on this paper he was also editor of a paper in Albany, and a
regular contributor to the 
Daily Whig
. When we think that he gave himself
only four hours sleep out of the twenty-four, we can realize how he could
find time to edit two papers and write for the third, but despite this
assiduousness his enterprise failed and he thereby lost $10,000.

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Greeley's opinion on economy was clearly defined when he said: "For my
own part, and I speak from sad experience, I would rather be a convict in
States Prison or a slave in a rice swamp, than to pass through life under the
harrow of debt. If you have but fifty cents and can get no more for the
week, buy a peck of corn, parch it, and live on it rather than owe any man a
dollar." He next started the 
Log Cabin
. It was started in the beginning of
1840, designed to be run six months and then discontinued. Into this
undertaking Horace Greeley threw all his energy and ability, guided by his
experience. In those days a journal with a circulation of ten thousand was a
big concern. When an edition of nearly fifty thousand of its first issue was
called for, the publishers were beside themselves, and later when the 
Log
Cabin
ran up a circulation of eighty and even ninety thousand, the
proprietors were frantic as to how they should get them printed. It is
needless to say that the 
Log Cabin
outlived its original expectations.
Ultimately the 
Log Cabin
and the 
New Yorker
were merged into the 
New
York Tribune
. As is a recognized fact, Greeley was stronger in a fight than
in peace, and the attacks which this new enterprise received soon run its
circulation from the hundreds into the thousands. Of course new presses
had to be bought and Greeley, who by the way preferred to discuss the
financial policy of a great nation than that of his own office, soon found
himself obliged to get a business man as a partner. He was exceedingly
fortunate in securing Mr. Thomas McElrath, who soon brought order from
chaos, and the 
Tribune
became not only an ably conducted paper but a
paying one as well.
Mr. Greeley next became a lecturer, and in this field he was also fairly
successful. He traveled in Europe and wrote such books as "Hints About
Reform," "Glances at Europe," "History of the Slavery Extension,"
"Overland Journey from New York to San Francisco," "The American
Conflict," "Recollections of a Busy Life," "Essays on Political Economy,"
and just before his death, "What I Know About Farming."
While Mr. Greeley must ever be regarded among journalists as one of
their brightest stars; he was one of the most peculiar writers it has ever been
our pleasure to read. In fact he must be regarded as a kind of literary
gymnast. While conducting a political paper he at one time devoted page

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after page to the theory of reorganizing society after the plan of Fourier;
that is to divide society up into small communities to live in common. After
wearying the readers on this and numerous other 'isms,' it was discontinued.
He went into a political frenzy over Clay and protection; next his paper was
full of the 'Irish Repeal,' 'Advocacy of the Water Cure,' 'Phrenology,'
'Mesmerism,' 'Opposition to Capital Punishment,' 'Trinitarianism' and the
'Drama.'
He was finally elected to Congress to fill an unexpired term. While here
he caused some amusement by his eccentricities. He refused to sit up at
night sessions, abruptly leaving when his hour for retiring arrived. Possibly
his letter addressed to the managers of his party in his State was one of the
greatest surprises that he ever sprung upon the country. It was addressed to
Mr. Seward personally, but upon mention being made of it by that
gentlemen's friends, it was made public by Greeley's demand. It ran
something as follows: "The election is over, and its results sufficiently
ascertained. It seems to me a fitting time to announce to you the dissolution
of the political firm of Seward, Weed and Greeley by the withdrawal of the
junior partner, said withdrawal to take effect on the morning after the first
Tuesday in February next. I was a poor young printer, and editor of a
literary journal—a very active and bitter Whig in a small way, but not
seeking to be known outside of my own ward committee. I was one day
called to the City Hotel where two strangers introduced themselves as
Thurlow Weed and Lewis Benedict, of Albany. They told me that a cheap
campaign paper of peculiar stamp at Albany had been resolved on, and that
I had been selected to edit it. I did the work required to the best of my
ability. It was work that made no figure and created no sensation; but I
loved it and I did it well."
"When it was done you were Governor; dispensing offices worth three to
twenty thousand to your friends and compatriots, and I returned to my
garret and my crust and my desperate battle with pecuniary obligations
heaped upon me by bad partners in business and the disastrous events of
1837. I believe it did not occur to me then that some one of these abundant
places might have been offered to me without injustice. I now think it
should have occurred to you. In the Harrison campaign of 1840 I was again

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designated to edit a campaign paper. I published it as well and hence ought
to have made something out of it despite its low price. My extreme poverty
was the main reason why I did not."
"Now came the great scramble of the swell mob of coon minstrels and
cider suckers at Washington, I not being counted in. I asked nothing,
expected nothing, but you Governor Seward ought to have asked that I be
Post Master at New York."
When the Republicans met at Chicago he 'paid' Mr. Seward off by
checkmating his chances of the nomination, and placing Lincoln at the head
of the ticket. Mr. Greeley had always been an uncompromising opponent of
slavery, and once had all but asked for the impeachment of Buchanan,
hence the South expected little sympathy from him; yet, this great editor
dismays his friends while his enemies are dumbfounded when they read,
"Let the South go," but no sooner do the 'erring sisters' act upon his
suggestion than this political ranchman is out with his literary lasso vainly
trying to keep them in. He next raises the war-whoop of "On to Richmond,"
and thereby aids in precipitating the terrible disaster of Bull Run. Time goes
on—the Union cause looks gloomy enough—all seems lost; yet, when once
more the nation needs his powerful support he rushes off to Canada
unauthorized, to negotiate a treaty with Southern Envoys which, to say the
least, would have been disgraceful to the Union Government. When the
cause is won he flees to Washington to sign the bail-bond of the arch traitor,
and is thus instrumental in his release from justice. Yet, for all this the
Tribune
prospered.
He was regarded by many of his readers as a kind of moral law-giver, and
if, per chance, one person journeyed to New York and returned to state that
their beau ideal had used undue profanity in his common conversation, the
indiscrete individual was ostracised.
If Mr. Greeley's previous career had surprised the country and
disappointed some of his friends, it remained for the last political act of his
life to completely paralyze the country at large, and plunge some of his
most ardent supporters into the deepest gloom. This was when they beheld
him the nominee of Republicans, 'who were anything to elect Greeley,' and

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endorsed by Free Traders and Democrats whom he had so bitterly
denounced all his life. Had he been nominated by the straight Republican