Madaniy merosni boshqarish (chm) hozirgi va kelajak avlodlar uchun madaniy meros ob'ektlarining madaniy qadriyatlarini saqlab qolish uchun tizimli g'amxo'rlik. Madaniy merosni boshqarish endi global hodisaga aylandi

Developing countries and heritage tourism
From a socio-economic perspective, the world has been, and continues to be, divided into developed and developing countries, sometimes referred to as the “haves” and “have-nots,” the “North” and “South” (because of the high concentration of poorer countries in the southern hemisphere), “industrialized” versus “non-industrialized,” or “more-developed” (MDCs) and “less-developed” (LDCs) states of the world. Such designations are fraught with definitional problems, as the earth continues to be a dynamic place, and many less-developed countries continue to progress on paths of development and modernization.
Some nations hardly fit within the basic framework of developed and developing countries, such as a few in Eastern Europe, East Asia, the Middle East, and South America. These, according to Hobbs (2009), might best be considered “newly industrializing countries,” although they all share fairly common socio-economic characteristics that define their level of development. While there is no absolute or universally accepted set of criteria to determine where a country lies on the spectrum of development, the world community and development agencies have identified several variables that permit the distinction between the more-developed and less-developed portions of the world. Per capita gross domestic product (GDP) or per capita gross national income (GNI) are among the most important indicators. Another related indicator that is more revealing in actual terms is annual per capita gross national income purchasing power parity (GNI PPP), which takes into account GNI (GDP plus money from abroad) and differences between countries in the relative prices of goods and services (Hobbs 2009). The disparities between wealthy and poor countries are quite remarkable. According to the Population Reference Bureau (2008), the average GNI PPP in MDCs in 2007 was US$31,200, while in LDCs, the average was US$4,760. The wealthiest country, according to this index, is Luxembourg, where the per capita annual GNI PPP was approximately US$64,400. The poorest two countries, according to this per capita index, are Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, whose GNI PPP were both measured at US$290 in 2007.


The human development index (HDI) is another indicator that measures the average achievement of countries in three basic dimensions of human development, including a long and healthy life, access to knowledge, and a decent standard of living (UNDP 2008). These are measured by life expectancy at birth, adult literacy and combined gross enrollment in education, and per capita GDP. It is argued that the concept of the HDI is much broader than simple GDP. This criterion divides countries into three categories, high, medium, and low human development, and helps compare and monitor longterm trends in human development. According to the 2008 Human Development Index report (UNDP 2008), Iceland (0.968), Norway (0.968) Australia (0.961), and Canada (0.961) rank the highest, and Sierra Leone (0.336), Burkina Faso (0.370), Guinea-Bissau (0.374), and Niger (0.374) rank the lowest. Other development indicators include, but are not limited to, birth rate, infant mortality, life expectancy, literacy rates, urban versus rural populations, levels of energy use, industrial versus service economies (de Blij and Muller 2006). Table 1.1 shows several of these indicators and their characteristics in relation to the level of development. Many historical, socio-economic, geographical, and political factors come into play in determining the level and rate of development of any given country. Climate has long been seen as a determiner of human behavior and capability, with extreme climatic conditions being disadvantageous to growing nutritious crops in adequate abundance to support a population (de Blij and Muller 2006; Semenov and Porter 1995). Historically, people in tropical areas have tended to be less productive and poorer than people living in colder climates because of their vulnerability to heat and diseases, which is true even in the twenty-first century as the South is less affluent than the North (Landes 1998). Natural resource advantages and their distribution are also often cited as reasons why places develop or remain in an underdeveloped state (Pearce and Turner 1990; Sachs and Warner 1995). Accessibility and location are primary issues as well, particularly in relation to trade in natural resources. Countries with inaccessible physical geography or those that are landlocked have a tendency to lag behind countries with ocean access, deep water ports, and more extensive coastal and agricultural plains (Faye et al. 2004; MacKellar et al. 2000). According to one prominent line of thinking, European colonization and the over-exploitation of natural resources that accompanied it have resulted in a modern dependency of the colonized world on the Western, colonial powers for income, trade, and governance. This has resulted in a legacy of continued dependency relationships (neo-colonialism) between the developed and developing portions of the world (Bertocchi and Canova 2002; Crosby 2004). From a tourism perspective, less-developed countries are extremely important as destinations and players in the global industry. Travel to and within the developing world is growing at a rapid rate, more quickly in fact than in more developed regions. Between 1990 and 2005, for example, international arrivals in developing countries grew by an average of 6.5 percent each year. Arrivals in the developed world during the same period averaged below 3 percent per annum. This remarkable growth is a result of many factors, including improved standards of living among the traveling public, increased freedom to travel within many parts of the less-developed world, improved international relations, new markets opening up (e.g., People’s Republic of China and Eastern Europe), and higher priorities being placed on travel in terms of visitor and government spending.


As already noted, a salient part of this increase in travel demand is related directly to cultural heritage as a resource for tourism. Approximately 60 per cent of all of UNESCO’s World Heritage Sites (natural and cultural) are located in developing nations, depending on precisely how these are defined. Some of the most spectacular remnants of ancient civilizations and contemporary colonial patrimony are located in developing regions. The Pyramids of Giza and Valley of the Kings (Egypt), Angkor Wat (Cambodia), Borobudur and Prambanan (Indonesia), the ancient city of Timbuktu (Mali), the Roman ruins of Palmyra (Syria), Great Zimbabwe Monument (Zimbabwe), Tikal (Guatemala), Lumbini, the birthplace of Buddha (Nepal), historic Istanbul (Turkey), and Dracula’s Castle (Romania) are all examples of well-known and highly visible heritage places in the less-developed world.
The New Seven Wonders of the World project was initiated in 2001 by a non-government body of volunteers to determine the modern world’s most spectacular cultural wonders to correspond to those of the ancient world. The organization, New7Wonders, called for a global referendum to determine the seven wonders of the modern world. This hyped-up and highly visible campaign resulted in the 2007 announcement (after apparently more than 100 million votes) of seven new wonders of the world, six of which are located in less-developed countries: Chichen Itza (Mexico), Christ Redeemer (Brazil), Great Wall of China (China), Taj Mahal (India), Petra (Jordan), and Macchu Pichu (Peru). The seventh is the Colosseum in Italy. This exercise in “global democracy” was considered by the organization to be a significant success (New7Wonders 2008) and, for the purposes of this chapter, it illustrates the importance of the developing world as a host for some of the earth’s most wondrous and scientifically important historic relics.
In the not so distant past, many tropical developing nations concentrated their promotional efforts on boosting their tourism economies via the sun, sea and sand (SSS) model of unplanned and poorly regulated tourism growth. Today, however, given the traditional socio-cultural and ecological pitfalls associated with mass tourism based on the three Ss, together with the realization of the importance of cultural heritage as a resource for tourism, many traditional beach destinations have started to refocus their promotional and planning efforts to include heritage attractions to broaden their resource base and tourism offerings (Bennet 1993; Luxner 1999; McCabe 1992).
While beaches and warm climates are still the primary tourist draw, culture and heritage are becoming more important in the product mix, particularly in countries in Africa, Latin America, the South Pacific, and the Caribbean. Even the sand- and sea-dependent Turks and Caicos Islands are considering broadening their appeal to emphasize more local culture and local history (Cameron and Gatewood 2008). Irandu (2004) noted a similar situation in Kenya, where tourism has been almost exclusively centered on wildlife and beaches but is now being extended to colonial and indigenous African heritage. Many island states in the Caribbean, as well as LDCs elsewhere, have been somewhat wary about developing their colonial heritage—slavery and colonial architecture—because colonial times are rarely remembered with any degree of fondness. For many Caribbean people, the memory of slavery is still fresh, and the European rulers depleting the islands’ resources then leaving the slave descendents to fare for themselves after independence is still rightfully a point of contention for many. With the Caribbean indigenous culture having all but disappeared from the islands, with the exception of a small remaining population on the island of Dominica (Slinger 2000), the primary focus of heritage is the colonial past (Bennet 1993), and this is, according to some observers (e.g., McCabe 1992), part of the reason why the Caribbean states have been reluctant to develop heritage tourism.