Maydan-e Shah
, now
Maydan-e Khomeini
; also known as
Naghsh-e
jahan
square) with the Royal Mosque at one end and the entrance to
the central bazaar at the other—dates to Shah Abbas’s time.
This urban design reflected the growing connection between the
merchant class and the Shi‘ite Ulama linking economic power with
spiritual authority. Among other things, the religious establishment
relied on bazaar merchants to fund the construction of mosques and
seminaries. This alliance between two powerful social classes would
become central to Iran’s economic and political life over the coming
centuries and is still operative today.
I r a n i n Wo r l d H i s t o r y
78
The royal palace known as the Ali Ghapu (Grand Gate) stands on
the western side of the maydan, facing the delicate Shaykh Lutfullah
mosque on the east. Farther west of the Ali Ghapu a four-mile tree-lined
avenue, the Chahar Bagh, stretches south to the Zayandeh River, which
is crossed by the Allahverdi Khan Bridge, also known as the Bridge of
Thirty-Three Arches.
While international commerce flourished under Abbas, it fell
increasingly into the hands of Europeans, especially the Indian Ocean
trade that linked Europe with India and China. Abbas was able to take
the Persian Gulf port city of Gambron from the Portuguese in 1616,
renaming it after himself (Bandar Abbas), but the Persian navy was no
match for the English or the Dutch. With the decline of the Silk Road,
overland trade shifted to a northwest-southeast axis, linking Iran with
Muscovite Russia on the one hand and Mughal India on the other.
Indian merchant communities grew throughout Iran as a result.
Abbas was succeeded by a series of weak rulers, most of whom
were addicted to opium and rarely left the harem. The resulting power
Naghsh-e Jahan Square in Esfahan was built by orders of Shah Abbas I. Shaykh
Lotfollah mosque is on the left, the Royal Mosque center-right, and Ali Ghapu
palace to the right; the entrance to the main bazaar is behind the viewer,
opposite the Royal Mosque. The square, which evolved from the ancient Iranian
garden model, is considered by many the pinnacle of urban design throughout
the Muslim world.
Pascal Xavier Coste
, Monuments modernes de la Perse
mesurés, dessinés et décrits
(Paris: A. Morel, [1867])
Th e Tu r k s
79
vacuum was filled by court intrigues, usually instigated by royal women,
and increasingly by the Shi‘ite clergy under the leadership of the chief
cleric (
shaykh ol-eslam
), Mohammad Bagher Majlesi. Majlesi used his
power to suppress all competing forms of religious authority, especially
the Sufi orders, illuminationist philosophers who saw truth as light,
and rival clerics of the Akhbari school who relied on traditions rather
than innovative thought. (Majlesi’s group, the Usulis, favored a flexible
approach to jurisprudence, which gave more freedom of interpretation
to clerics such as himself.) Majlesi also oversaw the closing down of
taverns, cafés, and brothels, as well as the banning of opium smoking,
gambling, public music and dancing, and sodomy—an exercise in social
control that eerily foreshadowed the Islamic revolution of 1979.
The political role of the Usuli clerics persisted up to the time of the
last Safavid ruler, Soltan Hossein (reigned 1694–1722). A few years
into his reign Soltan Hossein turned over power to his great-aunt and
her cohort, retreating like his predecessors into the sex-and-drugs life
of the harem. Revolts arose throughout the empire in response to his
weak rule. In 1722, an Afghan army laid siege to the Safavid capital,
Esfahan.
F
ather Tadeusz Jan Krusinski, a Polish Jesuit missionary who lived
through the Afghan seige of Esfahan in 1722, describes the scenes
of horror suffered by the city’s starving inhabitants: “Shoe-leather
being boiled was for a time the common food; at last they came to eat
human flesh, and the streets being full of carcasses, some had their
thighs cut off privately . . . several children were stolen and eaten, half
dead as they were of famine.”
1
After six months of starvation and misery, a tearful Soltan Hossein
finally emerged from the city gates of Esfahan and personally capit-
ulated to the Afghan leader Mahmud Ghilzai. After the fall of the
capital, Iranian Shi‘as were severely persecuted by their Sunni Pushtun
conquerors. In the west as well, the Ottomans took advantage of Iran’s
turmoil to seize territory and enslave Shi‘ite “heretics.”
Meanwhile in the north, the Russians under Peter the Great cap-
tured Iran’s Caspian seaports including Darband, Baku, and Rasht.
The Portuguese and Dutch were vying for control of the Persian Gulf,
both soon to be elbowed out by the British. The population of Esfahan,
which had numbered more than half a million in Shah Abbas’s time,
fell by a factor of ten to fewer than fifty thousand. In the absence of
any kind of strong central authority, the country’s various nomadic
tribes bickered and fought over grazing lands and raided passing cara-
vans with impunity, disrupting the economy.
Amid the widespread chaos of the 1720s a young Ghezelbash war-
rior, Nader Gholi Beg of the Afshar tribe, put together a tribal alliance
that managed to take control of Khorasan. By 1729 he had become pow-
erful enough to dislodge the Pushtuns from Esfahan, and he went on to
push back the Ottomans and Russians, eventually recovering most of
the former Safavid territories. Nader’s military successes, which were
due to a highly disciplined officer corps and the effective use of modern
Un d e r Eu r o p e’s S h a d o w
81
artillery, led to a brief restoration of nominal Safavid rule, but in 1736
he put an end to this charade and had himself crowned king.
Two years later, Nader Shah, who saw himself as a second Tamerlane,
launched an invasion of India. In early 1739 his army sacked the Mughal
(that is, neo-Timurid) capital of Delhi. The booty they brought back to
Iran included the so-called Peacock Throne, a major symbol of Mughal
power and wealth, as well as the fabulous Kuh-e Nur—literally “moun-
tain of light”—then the world’s largest diamond. (The Peacock Throne
thereafter vanished, perhaps melted down for its jewels. The Kuh-i Nur
is part of Queen Elizabeth II’s crown, and is on display in the Tower of
London.) So vast was the plunder from Nader’s India invasion that he
was able to suspend taxation in Iran for the next three years. In 1740,
Nader Shah conquered the Uzbek-controlled khanate of Bukhara: this
was the last time the Persian-speaking regions of Central Asia would be
under the same government as the rest of Iran.
With both Sunnis and Shi‘as represented within his army, Nader
Shah put aside the Safavids’ religious intolerance. This policy pro-
vided a temporary respite for Iran’s Sunnis, Christians, Jews, and
Zoroastrians. He also modernized the army, equipping ordinary sol-
diers with rifles and formal training, and even started a small navy
based in the Persian Gulf. Stability was short-lived, however, as Nader
slipped into mental illness and local tribal-based revolts broke out in
response to the reimposition of taxation to finance his unending mili-
tary campaigns.
In 1747, Nader Shah was assassinated by a group of his own
officers, plunging Iran once again into a period of anarchy as regional
tribal leaders each asserted their independence. The country’s popula-
tion at this time was as much as 50 percent nomadic, which in the
absence of a powerful king made any kind of centralized control virtu-
ally impossible. This situation would continue into the early twentieth
century.
The constant upheavals of the first half of the eighteenth century
in Iran are vividly illustrated in the life of Khadijeh Soltan Daghestani,
an aristocratic poet of Esfahan who was successively married off
to a series of five different men. Beginning with the Afghans, with
each new regime she suffered the execution of her husband of the
moment and was forcibly remarried to one of the conquerors. And
yet, throughout the whole ordeal she was in love with her childhood
sweetheart, a cousin. She followed him to India after the death of
her fifth spouse, but died on the way. In one of her surviving poems,
I r a n i n Wo r l d H i s t o r y
82
Khadijeh likens her experience to that of the mythical tragic lovers
Layla and Majnun:
Should you hear the tale of my suffering,
You will forget that of Layla and her story;
Should you hear of my cousin’s love,
You will forget all about the legend of Majnun.
2
The year of Nader’s assassination, one of his Pushtun officers in the
east, Ahmad Khan Abdali of the Durrani tribe, crowned himself “King
of Afghanistan,” thereby laying the foundations for the modern state
of that name. Prior to that time the terms “Afghan” and “Pushtun”
had been synonmous, referring to the stubbornly independent tribal
peoples of the eastern Hindu Kush who had resisted foreign domina-
tion since the time of Alexander the Great. (“Afghan” derives from the
Persian word
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