REINHARD KRUMM | EUROPE’S SECURITY GOVERNANCE AND TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
spiteoftheEU’sgoalofsupportingandfostering»stabil-
ity, security and prosperity« there, the region between
theEUandRussiahasbecomeanareaofinstabilitywith
anunclearfuture.Georgia,MoldovaandUkraine,which
signed the Association Agreement (AA) and the Deep
andComprehensiveFreeTradeAgreement(DCFTA)with
theEU,arenotincontrolofalltheirterritory,Belarusand
Armenia are members of the Russian-dominated Eura-
sianEconomicUnion(EEU),andAzerbaijaniswavering
betweenthetwo.Theonlycountrywhichisactivelylook-
ingbothwaysisEEUmemberArmenia,whichisnegoti-
atinganew,legallybindingandoverarchingagreement
withtheEU.
In response to the lack of progress, Brussels reviewed
its Neighbourhood Policy in 2015.
21
The most urgent
challengeisnowstability.Thereportstatedtheneedto
»reflectEUinterestsandtheinterestsofourpartners«.
TheEUwillseektailor-madeapproaches.Italsoplansto
reachouttootherpartners(including,ofcourse,Russia)
forcooperation,eventhough»itisthesolerightofthe
EUanditspartnerstodecidehowtheywanttoproceed
in their relation«. At the same time Brussels acknowl-
edgesinitsGlobalStrategythatthe»EUandRussiaare
interdependent«.
IfoneagreesthattheUkrainecrisisisonlythesymptom,
not the cause, of the current crisis in EU-Russian rela-
tions,acomprehensiverethinkingofsecurityinEurope
betweentheEUandRussiaisdesperatelyneeded.The
EU and its member states cannot avoid some serious
decision-making. So far the vision of a common space
betweenVladivostokandLisbonisstillonthetable.The
EUshouldlookatitsinterestsandespeciallyitslimitsto
pursueapragmaticpolicybasedonitsvalues.
3.2US
»Americanleadershipinthiscentury,likethelast,
remainsindispensable.«
(NationalSecurityStrategyoftheUSA,2015)
aussen-und-sicherheitspolitik/artikel/krimkrise-die-schlafwandler-des-21-
jahrhunderts-295/.
21.ReviewoftheEuropeanNeighborhoodPolicy,Brussels18.11.2015,
http://eeas.europe.eu/enp/documents/2015151118_joint-communica-
tion_review-of-the-enp_en.pdf.
SincetheendoftheColdWartherelationshipbetween
theUSandRussiahasundergonefour»resets«,
22
start-
ing with US President George Bush (1989–1993), who
worked on disarmament at Russia’s greatest time of
weakness. The Clinton administration (1993–2001)
triedtocontinuegoodrelationsbutsetNATO’senlarge-
mentinmotionwiththeaimofbringingtheperiodof
division between Western and Eastern Europe to an
end. Ironically, these actions instead precipitated the
emergenceofanewdivide.Allofthisoccurredduring
the Yeltsin presidency, which is viewed very negatively
by the Russian people. Under US President George W.
Bush (2001–2009) relations deteriorated dramatically
andhavenotyetrecovered.Hispresidency,withtheUS
involvementinIraq,stillhoversasadarkshadowover
US-Russianrelations.BarackObama(2009-present),with
hispragmaticviewthatinvolvingRussiacouldbesuccess-
fulincertainareas–suchasanewSTARTagreement,
negotiationswithIranandrestoringsomesortofstable
governmentinAfghanistan–initiatedthefourthreset.
Expectations were limited; a strategic partnership was
hardlyenvisioned.
TheroleoftheUSinsolvingglobalproblemsandpro-
moting a world order was undisputed in the 1990s.
CertainlyRussiawasnotinapositiontoactagainstit.
But already in 1995 the US could observe that Russia
wasleavingthepathofcooperationwiththeWestand
was instead focusing on its own neighbourhood, with
theaim»torebuildRussia’ssphereofinfluence«
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,which
wasonereasonwhytheUSadministration’shopesfor
astrategicpartnershipwithRussiawerediminishing.A
possiblecomebackforRussiaasaglobalplayerwasnot
ascenarioWashingtonwaseitherwillingtoimagineor
willingtoaccept.
It was Russia’s striving towards its historical spheres of
influence,ratherthantheincreasinglyauthoritariandrive
initiatedbyPutinduringhisfirsttwo-termspellaspresi-
dent (2000–2008), which angered Washington. Russia
was seen as punching above its weight because of its
weakeconomicperformance.Butthisisonlyrelevantto
acertainextent,sinceRussiastillhadenoughfirepower
or bureaucratic leverage to inflict serious harm. Under
22.AngelaStent:TheLimitsofPartnership:U.S.-RussianRelationsinthe
Twenty-FirstCentury,PrincetonUniversityPress2014,page259.
23.EugeneB.Rumer:RussianNationalSecurityandForeignPolicyinTran-
sition,SantaMonica1995,page53.
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