9
tate, but the additional burden is then shifted by lower prices as consequence of tax
(and transfer) amortization to the former owners.
6
Therefore, the actual behavioral
adaptations of the citizen are determined by tax and transfer policy patterns of the
past and their expectations for the future burden developments. If their individual pro-
jections will make them to believe in further burden increases, then even immobile
citizen will reconsider the location advantages (in form of personal and public infra-
structure) and disadvantages (in form of factual or at least presumed future burden
increases).
Regarding tax policy the mobile factors are moving to those locations were the after-
tax returns seem to be most profitable.
7
Such tax competition presses the high tax
states to reform their inefficient national tax law so that as result the selection proc-
ess might yield into more efficiency within the whole union. But often fears are ex-
pressed that such a competition is unfair and the selection principle does not lead to
more efficiency but into a footrace of permanent underbidding the tax rates. Signifi-
cant revenue losses might be the consequence, which necessitates at least a certain
degree of harmonization within the union and beyond. It has to be mentioned that the
latter argumentation can always be heard from tax politicians in the high tax coun-
tries, which in the past often have been unable to reform their system of direct taxa-
tion and social security thus still being confronted with enormous inefficiencies. In-
creased voting by feet is an expression of inefficiencies within the tax and transfer
systems especially of high tax countries leading at least in short and mid term to ex-
patriation of capital and in the long run even to migration of persons (especially the
well-to-do). In spite of the above mentioned necessary adaptations in the national tax
and transfer policy patterns, usually tax and social politicians in the respective coun-
tries are blaming the countries with immigration of capital and high skilled persons as
tax havens or shelters, which they often denote as immoral political strategies.
Therefore, the ongoing national tax policies should have in mind the negative conse-
quences of a ruinous tax competition, which alone definitely will not yield the often
assumed negative impacts because besides tax burden differences there are many
other factors mentioned above, which determine the location decisions of firms and
qualified persons. If such policy strategies are spreading over the member countries,
only limited harmonization will become necessary. Because of the cultural differences
and historical experiences in between the member states different traditions will yield
into different tax systems and tax burdens so that a certain degree of tax competition
will always remain thus further pressing member states to reform their inefficient tax
and transfer systems. Only under such competition innovation is encouraged, which
also limits the threat of political cartels within the member countries.
Possible solutions, however, are to formulate rules for a fair tax competition, at least
partly harmonizing direct and especially indirect taxation, and to agree upon a code
of good conduct. Tax harmonization regarding indirect taxation is of specific rele-
vance because member state contributions are often bound to an indirect tax base.
One of the first steps of
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