nation. Education is the vehicle for this continual process of creating a nation-state.
Children pledge allegiance to “the flag” at the beginning of each school day. The
American nation is celebrated in song, dance, and study—the mythology of the nation,
the
sense of unity, and the child’s place within it is created in a “banal” or everyday
manner (Billig, 1995). The celebration of the American nation (and also the Australian
and Canadian national histories) illustrates that there are positive interpretations of
nationalism as a collective identity that transcends ethnic differences.
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Figure 5.1
World War I telegram to next of kin.
Ironically, the dominant mythology of the United States as an immigrant land of
opportunity rests upon a history in which different cultural groups have suffered at the
hands of the state: racist immigration policies targeting Chinese, such as the Chinese
Exclusion Act of 1882, the near genocidal Indian Wars of the 1800s, as well as the
enslavement of black Africans and the African-Americans’ struggle for civil rights that
continues today, and the contemporary harassment of Arab-Americans at airports and
other security points in the name of the War on Terrorism. However,
the power of the
United States national identity is that despite the discrimination that successive waves
of immigrants have experienced, and still do, the desire to be part of the American nation
is still strong, and the degree of assimilation is high, compared to other countries.
The top-down nationalism of the United States illustrates the way the state apparatus
has been brought to bear to create a nation. It is a form of nationalism; it promotes the
ideology that the state is the natural and obvious political geographic expression of a
singular nation. Funnily enough, it is not the type of politics we usually think about
when we label a politician a “nationalist”: such terminology
is usually a form of epithet
referred to “monsters” such as Slobodan Milosevic or Adolf Hitler, for example.
The geopolitics of nationalism 2: the process of
“ethnic cleansing”
Let us turn to the politics of violent nationalism, or bottom-up nationalism, now: the
type of nationalism that makes the headlines (Dahlman, 2005). Nationalism, in this
sense, is the goal to create a “pure” nation-state, in which one and only one culture or
national group exists. This geopolitical perspective views a nation-state as somehow
tainted, weak, a geopolitical anomaly, if it contains multiple nations or ethnicities.
Instead of
the politics of assimilation, the geopolitics here is of expulsion, and eradica-
tion. Bottom-up nationalism is what has become known, almost nonchalantly, as ethnic
cleansing. Though it is the bloody actions of ethnic cleansing (the killing and rape) that
is the “sharp-end” of this form of nationalism, the way the term has become readily,
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O G E O P O L I T I C S
108
Activity
How and where did you learn your national history?
• Think of the settings (home, school, etc.) where you were exposed to this history
and the form the history took (books, films, lessons, etc.).
• Write down two or three of the key ingredients of the history and what “moral”
or story they may say about the particular national character.
• Write down two or three key historic events that are usually ignored or played-
down in the national history of your country.
• How do these lesser discussed events contradict the portrayal of the national
character you identified from the dominant narrative?
and quite uncritically, adopted by mainstream media as a handy phrase to “make sense”
of an event also shows that we are implicated too.
As viewers, the pervasive ideology
of nationalism makes the goals of “ethnic cleansing” understandable: it is, simply, the
most extreme form of the politics of exclusion that underlies discussion of immigration
and refugee policies in “civilized” debates in the British parliament, for example. The
politics of otherness related to particular territories is the underlying geopolitics.
The process of “ethnic cleansing” can be illustrated schematically. In the first diagram
(Figure 5.2), two neighboring states are both multi-national: Triangle State is populated
mostly by people
with a scattering of people
near the border, and Circle State
displays the opposite pattern. Also, there are both
and
people
living outside the
borders of these two states. The existence of people of different nations does not
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