Conclusion
Many authors had previously succeeded in showing the vulnerability of banks prior to their failure in the Great Depression. This dissertation showed when Chicago failures started to act in a more risky way and when their vulnerability became more acute. It also demonstrated that the time of failure coincided with a bank’s risky behaviour in the 1920s on the one hand, and with earlier or deeper vulnerability after 1928 on the other. In particular, throughout the 1920s June 1931 failures had a higher real estate loan share than June 1932 failures, and June 1932 failures had a higher share than June 1933 failures. This was true for almost all other relevant variables, whether it be real estate to time deposits, the reserve-deposit ratio, US government bonds to total bonds and stocks or banking house to total assets. For the Great Depression era a turning point in banks’ vulnerability is identifiable before December 1930 at least for early and mid-depression failures. Late (June 1933) failures tend to behave more like survivors. June 1930 is singled out as a critical point for June 1932 failures both in terms of retained earnings and other real estate. For earlier failures, the downturn started even earlier, sometimes as early as December 1928 (especially in other real estate), or December 1929 (for bills payable and rediscounts).
For most cohorts retained earnings peaked around June 1926, sometimes
never going back to this level (at least for the June 1932 cohort). This tends to confirm an important role for real estate activity in 1920s in depression Chicago, on which the last part gave quantitative and anecdotal detail. Although bank size was a non-negligible aspect of failure rates, the analysis of financial ratios shows that this was certainly not the main one.
The issue of the representativeness of the Chicago population of state banks has only been hinted at here and there throughout the thesis, but it is an important one. In order to truly be able to assess, for example, the role of real estate in long-term bank behaviour one would have to compare the findings on Chicago with the rest of the country. This is of course a laborious task and would require that the data used here (and more) be available for the country as a whole, which is far from evident.
Nevertheless, future research on the topic would be of great interest. Moreover, I have only applied mainly graphic analysis to an extremely complex problem, and other forms of analysis, perhaps more rigorous ones, should certainly be tried out. Finally, one thing that has not been done in this study is a comparison of the results of a similar analysis for the banks that failed throughout the 1920s with the current one (for depression failures). This would facilitate a test of the idea that depression failures differed from 1920s failures.
Overall, the dissertation has given shape and emphasis to the theory that banks during the Great Depression failed not because of sudden liquidity problems but because of fundamental weaknesses. It would be difficult, in light of the evidence presented here, to still argue that the main causes of bank failure were “autonomous liquidity shocks” due to a “contagion of fear.”
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