Was the Fed to Blame for the Housing Price Bubble?
Some economists—most prominently, John Taylor of
Stanford University—have argued that low interest
policies of the Federal Reserve in the 2003 to 2006
period caused the housing price bubble.
1
During this
period, the Federal Reserve drove the federal funds
rate to the very low level of 1%. The low federal
funds rate led to low mortgage rates that stimulated
housing demand and encouraged the issuance of
subprime mortgages, both of which led to rising
housing prices and a bubble.
In a speech given in January of 2009, the
Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Ben Bernanke coun-
tered this argument.
2
He concluded that monetary pol-
icy was not to blame for the housing price bubble.
First, he said, it is not at all clear that the federal
funds rate was below what the Taylor rule suggested
would be appropriate. Rates only seemed low when
current values, not forecasts, were used in the output
and inflation calculations for the Taylor rule. Rather,
the culprits were the proliferation of new mortgage
products that lowered mortgage payments, a relax-
ation of lending standards that brought more buyers
into the housing market, and capital inflows from
emerging market countries such as China and India.
Bernanke’s speech was very controversial, and the
debate over whether monetary policy was to blame
for the housing price bubble continues to this day.
Chapter 8 Why Do Financial Crises Occur and Why Are They So Damaging to the Economy?
175
With rising defaults on mortgages, the value of mortgage-backed securities fell,
which then led to a rise in haircuts. At the start of the crisis, haircuts were close
to zero, but eventually rose to nearly 50%.
3
The result was that the same amount
of collateral would only allow financial institutions to borrow half as much. Thus,
in order to raise funds, financial institutions had to sell off assets. The fire sales
led to a further decline in asset values that lowered the value of collateral fur-
ther, raising haircuts, thereby forcing financial institutions to scramble even more
for liquidity. The result was similar to the run on the banking system that occurred
during the Great Depression, causing a restriction of lending and a decline in
economic activity.
The decline in asset prices in the stock market (which fell by over 50% from
October 2007 to March 2009 as seen in Figure 8.5) and the more than 25% drop
in residential house prices (shown in Figure 8.4), along with the fire sales result-
ing from the run on the shadow banking system, weakened both firms’ and house-
holds’ balance sheets. This worsening of asymmetric information problems
manifested itself in widening credit spreads (Figure 8.6), causing higher costs of
credit for households and businesses and tighter lending standards. The resulting
decline in lending meant that both consumption expenditure and investment fell,
causing a sharp contraction in the economy.
3
See Gary Gorton and Andrew Metrick, “Securitized Banking and the Run on Repo,” National Bureau
of Economic Research Working Paper No. 15223 (August 2009).
50.0
60.0
70.0
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
90.0
80.0
100.0
Stock Prices
(Dow-Jones Industrial Average,
October 2007 = 100)
F I G U R E 8 . 5
Stock Prices and the Financial Crisis of 2007–2009
Stock prices fell by 50% from October 2007 to March of 2009.
Source: Dow-Jones Industrial Average (DJIA), available at
http://finance.yahoo.com/q/hp?s=%5EDJI
.
176
Part 3 Fundamentals of Financial Institutions
0.0%
4.0%
2.0%
6.0%
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
Baa-U.S. Treasury
Spread (%)
F I G U R E 8 . 6
Credit Spreads and the 2007–2009 Financial Crisis
Credit spreads (the difference between rates on Baa corporate bonds and U.S. Treasury bonds) rose by
more than 400 basis points (4 percentage points) during the crisis.
Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis FRED database,
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/categories/22
.
Global Financial Markets
Although the problem originated in the United States,
the wake-up call came from Europe, a sign of how extensive the globalization of
financial markets had become. After Fitch and Standard & Poors announced rat-
ings downgrades on mortgage-backed securities and CDOs totaling more than $10
billion, the asset-based commercial paper market seized up and a French invest-
ment house, BNP Paribas, suspended redemption of shares held in some of its
money market funds on August 7, 2007. The run on the shadow banking system
began, only to become worse and worse over time. Despite huge injections of liq-
uidity into the financial system by the European Central Bank and the Federal
Reserve, discussed later in this chapter, banks began to horde cash and were unwill-
ing to lend to each other. The drying up of credit led to the first major bank fail-
ure in the United Kingdom in over 100 years when Northern Rock, which had relied
on wholesale short-term borrowing rather than deposits for its funding, collapsed
in September 2007. A string of other European financial institutions then failed
as well. Particularly hard hit were countries like Ireland, which up until this crisis
was seen as one of the most successful countries in Europe with a very high rate
of economic growth (see the Global box, “Ireland and the 2007–2009 Financial
Crisis”). European countries actually experienced a more severe economic down-
turn than in the United States.
Failure of High-Profile Firms
The impact of the financial crisis on firm balance
sheets forced major players in the financial markets to take drastic action. In March
of 2008, Bear Stearns, the fifth-largest investment bank, which had invested heav-
ily in subprime related securities, had a run on its repo funding and was forced to
sell itself to J.P. Morgan for less than 5% of what it was worth just a year earlier.
Chapter 8 Why Do Financial Crises Occur and Why Are They So Damaging to the Economy?
177
To broker the deal, the Federal Reserve had to take over $30 billion of Bear Stearn’s
hard-to-value assets. In July, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the two privately owned
government-sponsored enterprises that together insured over $5 trillion of mort-
gages or mortgage-backed assets, was propped up by the U.S. Treasury and the
Federal Reserve after suffering substantial losses from their holdings of subprime
securities. In early September 2008, they were then put into conservatorship (in
effect run by the government).
On Monday, September 15, 2008, after suffering losses in the subprime market,
Lehman Brothers, the fourth-largest investment bank by asset size with over $600 bil-
lion in assets and 25,000 employees, filed for bankruptcy, making it the largest bank-
ruptcy filing in U.S. history. The day before, Merrill Lynch, the third-largest investment
bank who also suffered large losses on its holding of subprime securities, announced
its sale to Bank of America for a price 60% below its price a year earlier. On Tuesday,
September 16, AIG, an insurance giant with assets over $1 trillion, suffered an extreme
liquidity crisis when its credit rating was downgraded. It had written over $400 bil-
lion of insurance contracts called credit default swaps that had to make payouts on
possible losses from subprime mortgage securities. The Federal Reserve then stepped
in with an $85 billion loan to keep AIG afloat (with total government loans later
increasing to $173 billion).
G L O B A L
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