683
AF
J:
ulama
(also
ulema; Arabic: plural of alim,
“possessor of knowledge”)
The chief religious authorities in Islam are the
ulama. In addition to scholars and teachers, they
include jurists, judges, preachers, imams (prayer
leaders), market inspectors, and advisers to rul-
ers. The ulama view themselves as the heirs of the
prophet m
Uhammad
(ca. 570–632) in matters of
religious law (
sharia
) and tradition, the masters
of the q
Uran
and
hadith
, and moral guardians
of the community of believers. They support
their claims to religious
aUthority
by invoking
the Quranic injunction, “Obey God, the Prophet,
and those who have authority among you” (italics
added, Q 4:59). They are not a priesthood, how-
ever, since they do not conduct sacramental rites
on behalf of the laity. Nor do they administer a
“church” or congregation like priests and minis-
ters do in Christianity. Rather, the ulama are more
like Jewish rabbis; they advise people about God’s
commandments and prohibitions, and they issue
opinions and judgments in matters of dispute or
legal necessity. Their status varies greatly, from
being half-literate caretakers at village mosques
to being highly esteemed scholars patronized
by the powerful and wealthy in the major urban
centers of Islamdom.
In Sunni Islam, which embodies the majority
of Muslims, there is no central religious author-
ity like a Roman Catholic pope or Orthodox
Christian patriarch. Rather, the authority of
Sunni ulama is built upon a web of relations that
extends from the mosque or
madrasa
(religious
college) to the palace, marketplace,
bazaar
,
neighborhood, household, and across entire
regions from North Africa and a
ndalUsia
to India
and beyond. Only in the era of Ottoman rule was
an official ranking recognized, focused on the
figure of the
mUFti
. This office became decentral-
ized with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire
after World War I. Shii ulama differ from Sunni
ulama; their authority is based on belief in the
infallibility of the Imams, venerated descendants
of Muhammad’s household (
ahl
al
-
bayt
). As a
consequence, Shii ulama, particularly in t
Welve
-
i
mam
s
hiism
, have developed a centralized hier-
archy since the 18th century, with the top ranks
held by senior jurists known as ayatollahs. The
most highly ranked of these, determined by con-
sensus of the ulama on the basis of the jurist’s
knowledge and reputation, is the marjaa al-taqlid
(source of imitation). Shii ulama, like their Sunni
counterparts, also depend on extensive networks
of support and patronage.
U
More is known about the ulama than any
other social group in Islamic history, thanks to
the voluminous amount of biographical literature
that they created over the centuries. Studies of this
literature have shown that ulama were recruited
from different walks of life, but they were usually
supported by the ruling class, wealthy merchants
and landholders, who earned merit for their gen-
erosity. After obtaining a primary
edUcation
at
a
kuttab
or at home (if
the father was himself a
scholar), a would-be scholar went to a madrasa
to study with a master teacher, or select group of
scholars, of the Islamic sciences. Students (sing.
talib, seeker) traveled far from home and often
attended several different madrasas, which served
as pathway for upward mobility. The hadith-based
notion of “seeking knowledge, even in China” has
been a guiding dictum for learning in Islamic tra-
dition. The madrasa, an institution that originated
in the 10th–11th century, was usually associated
with a particular tradition of Islamic law (madh-
hab)—Hanafi, Shafii, Maliki, or Hanbali for Sun-
nis, and Jaafari for Shiis. Some madrasas included
teachers of more than one legal tradition.
The main subject taught was Islamic juris-
prudence (
fiqh
), together with quranic studies,
hadith and hadith criticism, as well as a variety of
secondary subjects (for example, Arabic grammar,
rhetoric, logic, dialectical
theology
, and history).
For their lessons, students congregated around
their teachers, forming circles (sing. halqa) to
study their books with them and hear their com-
mentaries. When a session was completed they
would form their own study circles to discuss
their lessons further and assist each other in
memorizing the texts and commentaries. When
a student mastered a book, he would receive a
certificate (ijaza) from his teacher, which usually
would qualify the student to teach the book to
others. Students, therefore, could collect several
certificates in their course of study, and move into
the ranks of the ulama based on the knowledge of
the Islamic sciences they had acquired in madrasas
at the feet of their teachers. Although
Women
were
excluded from the medieval madrasa system, the
biographical dictionaries mention that some were
included among the ulama nevertheless. They
were known especially as scholars and teachers of
hadith, and usually they gained their expertise at
home from male scholars in their families.
Through the centuries the ulama were able to
establish a sphere of authority for themselves in
religious matters without undue interference from
the state, despite the fact that they often depended
on rulers for patronage and protection. They did
this by granting legitimacy to them and maintain-
ing close relations with the populace. The ulama
often endorsed popular customs and religious
devotionalism, or remained neutral. The evidence
indicates that most accepted Sufi ideas, such as
a
bU
h
amid
al
-g
hazali
(d. 1111), and were even
members of Sufi brotherhoods, such as a
hmad
s
irhindi
(d. 1624). The
antipathy of the ulama to
aspects of s
UFism
and popular saint veneration has
been exaggerated by modern scholars of Islamic
studies, and was limited to a relatively small
number of literalists, such as t
aqi
al
-d
in
a
hmad
ibn
t
aymiyya
(d. 1328) and m
Uhammad
ibn
a
bd
al
-
W
ahhab
(d. 1792), until the 20th century.
The establishment of colonial regimes by
European powers during the 19th and 20th cen-
turies, followed by the emergence of new nation-
states in Muslim lands, contributed significantly
to undermining the authority of the traditional
ulama. These governments established secular
laws and legal systems that emulated those of
western Europe, effectively displacing the ulama
in that area. The opening of schools based on
modern curricula undermined the preeminence
of the ulama in the area of education and pro-
duced a literate public who could study Islamic
texts themselves, or appropriate new forms of
secular and techno-scientific knowledge from
post-Enlightenment Europe. These developments
helped compel ulama in different regions to
engage in Islamic reform programs, as exempli-
fied by the efforts of J
amal
al
-d
in
al
-a
Fghani
(d.
1897), m
Uhammad
a
bdUh
(d. 1905), m
Uhammad
K 684
ulama
r
ashid
r
ida
(d. 1935), and the d
eoband
move-
ment in Indo-Pakistan. Despite these efforts, the
ulama found themselves blamed for the intellec-
tual backwardness and political weakness of their
societies by secular Muslims, on the one hand,
and advocates of political Islam like s
ayyid
q
Utb
(d. 1966) and a
bU
al
-a
la
m
aWdUdi
(d. 1979),
on the other. Even though the ulama were abol-
ished in t
Urkey
in the 1920s and became little
more than government employees in countries
such as e
gypt
, they have undergone a significant
transformation in a number of countries recently,
as exemplified by their influence in s
aUdi
a
rabia
and their involvement
in Pakistani politics and
the rise of the t
aliban
in Afghanistan. The clear-
est example of this trend is that of i
ran
, where
Shii ulama under the leadership of Ayatollah
r
Uhollah
k
homeini
(d. 1989) established a revo-
lutionary Islamic government in 1979, an event
unprecedented in the history of Islam. The U.S.-
led invasion and occupation of i
raq
in 2003 gave
Shii ulama in that country, many with links to
neighboring Iran, an opportunity to take a leading
role in religious and political affairs.
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