130 PART 2 SUPPLY AND DEMAND: HOW MARKETS WORK
go into a shop or a store and see
something you really like. It might
be an expensive purchase and you
might know that you should not
really be thinking of buying it but the
item has really caught your atten-
tion and you are debating whether
to buy it or not.
On the one hand, you know that the
price that is being asked represents a
loss – the money you will have to give
up is an opportunity cost and means
you will have to sacrifice other things
that it could also buy you. Equally, you
also know that owning this item will
provide you with some form of gain –
utility. When making the purchasing
decision, therefore, you are balan-
cing out these competing forces. The
brain plays a role in this; there seem
to be two main parts of the brain that
are involved in such decisions – the
nucleus accumbens and the anterior
insular. The nucleus accumbens emits
two neuro transmitters – dopamine
and serotonin. The former is associ-
ated with desire and the latter with
inhibition. The anterior insula is a part
of the brain that has some association
with emotional experience and con-
scious feelings. This will include feel-
ings of pain, happiness, disgust, fear
and anger.
The research was relatively com-
plex but the main results from the
investigations are given below:
t When making decisions on finan-
cial instruments, investors tend
not to act rationally. These can
be called ‘risk-seeking mistakes’
and ‘risk-aversion mistakes’.
t Activity in the nucleus accum-
bens has an association with
risk-seeking mistakes and risky
choices.
t Activity in the anterior insula is
associated with risk-aversion
mistakes and riskless choices.
t Distinct neural circuits associ-
ated with anticipatory affect lead
to different types of choices.
t Nucleus accumbens activation
represents gain prediction.
t Anterior insula activation repres-
ents loss prediction.
t Activation of these brain reg-
ions can predict decisions to
purchase.
In this chapter we looked at a model
of consumer behaviour based on a
model of rational decision making –
maximizing utility with the constraint of a
limited income. However, this might not
be the case in reality. The expectations
that we might have about a purchase
might trigger behavioural or affective
(to do with emotions) responses which
might influence what we eventually end
up buying. The findings might be related
to a wide range of decision making,
including how we choose to buy insur-
ance and assurance, gambling at casi-
nos, at racing and so on, and how we
pay for goods and services.
There is a suggestion, for
example, that the perceived risk
associated with buying goods and
services through credit cards is dif-
ferent to that of cash. It has been
suggested that we are ‘anaesthet-
ized’ against the effects of paying.
As a result there may be a tend-
ency to overspend when purchas-
ing with credit cards compared to
cash. There may also be similar
effects going on when people pur-
chase online rather than going to a
shop or a store. By understanding
how the brain works in this respect,
there may be possibilities of building
incentives or disincentives to pur-
chase to take account of the way
these parts of the brain work.
In making purchasing decisions,
we know that there are a number of
‘laws’ of economics that we might
quote. Such ‘laws’ allow us to be
able to make predictions – the very
basis of having theories. However,
if these laws are based on inaccur-
ate or incomplete knowledge of how
humans actually carry out these
actions then the model will not be
able to be used as a predictive tool.
We assume, for example, that
humans are attracted to preferred
products (how that preference is
generated is another story). We also
assume that consumers prefer lower
prices than higher prices and that if
a price is deemed ‘excessive’ then
we will avoid purchasing the item.
Prices represent a potential gain and
a potential loss. However, we might
view similar losses and gains in dif-
ferent ways. In some cases we might
view a loss as being more important
than a gain even if they were of equal
magnitude. That contradicts the
rational approach that character-
izes much of economic theory. If our
decision making is being affected
by the activation of these distinct
neural circuits then the extent to
which they are activated might
influence our choice. For example,
the research cited examples where
men were shown pictures of sports
cars and other types of car deemed
to be less desirable. Viewing sports
cars produced a greater degree of
brain activity in the mid-brain. Similar
results have been obtained in cases
where both men and women are
shown preferred rather than less
preferred drinks, brands of beer and
coffee.
If this is the case, then it might
suggest that advertising over a long
period of time might have significant
effects in influencing our choices
if it has effects on our perceptions
of preferred or non-preferred pur-
chases. What is happening is that
the perception of loss and gain is
being altered in relation to the price
that is being charged.
The second piece of research
involves the effect on human behav-
iour of different emotional states and
the effect that hormones play in influ-
encing the brain and human behav-
iour. In a paper presented to a British
Psychological Society (BPS) meeting
CHAPTER 5 BACKGROUND TO DEMAND: THE THEORY OF CONSUMER CHOICE
131
in April 2009, Professor Karen Pine of
the University of Hertfordshire out-
lined her research findings from a
study looking at the link between the
menstrual cycle in women and pur-
chasing decisions. Professor Pine’s
study involved 443 women aged
18 to 50. It appeared to show a link
between the stage of the menstrual
cycle and purchasing decisions. Of
the women in the sample, 153 were
in the later stages of their menstrual
cycle, known as the luteal phase. Of
this group, over 60 per cent said that
they had indulged in overspending
and had bought items on impulse. The
spending, in a small number of cases,
was way over normal budgets – some
women saying that they had over-
spent by as much as £250. In many
cases, the women said that their pur-
chasing decisions at this time were
accompanied by feelings of remorse
afterwards.
Professor Pine commented, ‘The
spending behaviour tends to be a
reaction to intense emotions. They
are feeling stressed or depressed
and are more likely to go shopping
to cheer themselves up and using
it to regulate their emotions.’ The
study also found that those women
with severe pre-menstrual tension
(PMT) displayed more extreme
examples of this behaviour.
Part of the explanation for this
behaviour is that hormonal changes
in women at certain times of the
menstrual cycle are associated with
changes to the part of the brain that
is linked to inhibitions and emotions. It
has also been suggested that purchas-
ing decisions may be linked to a desire
of women to make themselves look
more attractive. There has been other
research which suggested that part
of female behaviour is driven by the
need to demonstrate their fertility – a
throwback to very early days when sur-
vival of the species depended in part on
the ability to reproduce successfully.
Around 14 days before the start of
ovulation is a time which sees women
increase their spending on items that
enhance their attractiveness. These
items include make-up, high-heeled
shoes and jewellery. Professor Pine
has said that her findings are suppor-
ted by other research which shows a
so-called ‘ornamental effect’ linked to
stages in the menstrual cycle.
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