A great deal of research has been done on real wage flexibility in Europe and virtually all of it concludes
that continental European labour markets are among the most rigid in the world, while the UK labour
market, at least since the 1980s, has become one of the most flexible. One reason for this is the fact that
all European Union countries have minimum wage laws, although this is not the whole story since the
UK also has a minimum wage. Perhaps a more important reason is the high degree of collective wage
bargaining that is common in continental Europe – i.e. wage agreements that cover a large number of
workers. Figures on the degree of unionization of the labour force are quite deceptive in this sense: for
example, in the early 2000s, in the UK, Italy and Germany about 30 per cent of the workforce belonged to
a trade union, while in France the figure was around 10 per cent. Continental European unions, however,
CHAPTER 36 COMMON CURRENCY AREAS AND EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION
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often have collective bargaining and other workplace rights that UK trade unionists can only envy. The
power of unions and the inflexibility of the labour market is something that has been a concern in France
for some time and in 2013, an agreement was reached between the government and unions on reforms
to the country’s complex and strict labour laws. The agreement was greeted with mixed responses with
some saying it did not go far enough and others suggesting the agreement marked the end of workers’
rights in France.
The introduction of the single European currency may also have had a negative effect on European
wage flexibility, since many European collective wage agreements between workers and a firm in one
country will also often extend to the firm’s workforce in other European countries, and a single currency
brings transparency in wage differences across countries, as well as price transparency. To return again
to our example of a negative demand shock in Germany and a positive shock in France, a company with
employees in both countries would find it hard to reduce real wages in Germany while raising them in
France.
Furthermore, European labour law is generally very much more restrictive in many continental European
countries than it is in the UK or the USA, as is the level of payroll taxes, so that a firm’s costs of either
reducing the workforce or increasing it can be very high. This means that, even if there were movements
in the real wage, firms would be slow to expand or contract their output in response, so that shifts in
aggregate supply will be slow to come about.
On the whole, therefore, adjustment to asymmetric shocks through real wage movements is unlikely
to be significant in the euro area.
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