inclinations. Suggestions about how these personal curriculum priorities can be
coordinated with the school curriculum will be given in Chapter IX, where the relation of
interest and constructive cognitive activities is discussed. In this chapter we will examine
the school curriculum in light of the developmental curriculum.
CURRICULUM ANALYSIS
The analysis of developmental curriculum can go on at different levels and in different
directions. For example, one can ask at what age should certain subjects, such as
philosophy or geometry, be taught?-a legitimate question for developmental curriculum
analysis and a difficult one as well. Bruner (1961) in a well-known statement has argued
that "any child can be taught any subject at any age in an intellectually honest way." But
there is little agreement as to what is intellectually honest. To a mathematician, a child
who is copying forms on a geo-board may not be doing geometry. An educator, on the
other hand, may believe that geo-board activities are basic to the grasp of geometric
concepts and that the child is doing geometry when she is constructing forms with rubber
bands.
It is really not my intention to get into Such disputes here, because they are less
pedagogical than they are semantic. Whether a geo-board is preparing a child for
geometry is less significant than the fact that it is an activity which is interesting and by
means of which she is acquiring spatial concepts, whether one calls them geometrical or
not. The crucial question is not whether or not a child is learning a particular subject
matter, but rather whether or not she is learning. Perhaps an illustration will help to make
this distinction clear.
Not long ago I visited an English primary school in a well-known English university
town. Most of the children who attended the school were the children of faculty members
and were, as one might expect, quite bright and verbal. In the second grade classroom 1
was shown work the children had done on the London fire of 1666. The children had
been read a story about the fire and shown pictures about it. Their task was to write a
little essay about it. The essays were exceptional in their clarity, organization, and
vocabulary, but they had a monotonous quality--they were essentially restatements of
what the children had heard. The essays, despite their high level of competency, were
entirely lacking in originality and spontaneity. Moreover, since the material was far
beyond the children's level of comprehension, it was not likely that it would be retained.
Several days later I had the occasion to visit a small village school located near an
automotive assembly plant. Most of the children who attended this school were the
offspring of blue-collar workers or trades people in the village. The second-grade
children in this group were writing essays too, but of a very different sort. The day
before, they had visited a small church, had examined the gravestones in the yard, and
made rubbings of some of the stones. .The essays written by these children made up, in
spontaneity and originality, for the lack of the grammatical and rhetorical finesse, so
evident in the essays of children of academics. And this material, tied as it was to the
children's own experience, was much more likely to be retained because it could be
assimilated to their existing body of knowledge.
Now, from my point of view, the issue raised by these two examples has less to do with
the teaching of history than it has to do with the way second-grade children learn.
Whether the story of the London fire is called history or fiction is less important than the
fact that the historical and geographical concepts presupposed by the story are far beyond
the grasp of second-grade children. Again, whether or not a visit to a graveyard is an
"historical" experience is less significant than the fact that it was a real and meaningful
experience that children could relate to and represent in their own way. Accordingly, in
the present discussion I am not going to get into arguments about what sorts of
experiences or lessons should or should not be a part of different disciplines. Rather, I
want to take examples of materials in major curriculum domains and examine them from
a cognitive developmental point of view. Three facets of curriculum will be examined-
instructions, content, and graphic display.
READING
There are any number of reading programs on the market, ranging from
psycholinguistic, look-say, to phonic approaches. Many of these programs are well
produced and useful in teaching beginning reading. But all could benefit from more
careful phrasing of instructions, wiser selection of content, and a better thought-out
graphic display.
Instructions. Recently one of the children at the Mt. Hope School came up to my office
to do some of the exercises in his phonics work book. He was working at a desk in the
corner of the room, and I noticed at one point that he was experiencing difficulty. I went
over and had him read the instructions to me. He read, "Color all of the balloons with the
long A's red, color all the balloons with the short a's green except those followed by a
silent e which should be colored blue." The trouble with this instruction is obvious in that
it requires too many operations to be kept in mind simultaneously. The child is expected
to keep in mind three different combinations of letters, sounds, and colors. A task which
seems concrete, namely, coloring balloons to designate different sounds, has been made
enormously complex by the instructions. In this case the young boy could have handled
any one of the sound-color combinations with ease, but dealing with all three at once was
not possible for him.
Other examples of convoluted instructions will be provided in later sections. In general,
however, young elementary-school children have trouble in keeping more than two
contingencies in mind at once. For this age group (kindergarten through second grade), it
is best to begin with single operation instructions. "Color all the balloons with long
A's red." Double operation instructions can be introduced when the children appear bored
or unchallenged by the single-operation task. Triple-operation instructions should
probably be reserved for older age groups or exceptionally bright children.
Content. The content of beginning readers is almost uniformly dull; "Bill and Will sat
on a hill" is not going to win any Newberry awards. This dullness is somewhat excusable
since children who are lust beginning to learn decoding skills tend to focus on decoding
rather than on content. Once children get beyond this point, however, the interest value of
the stories does make a difference. Most curriculum builders are not good storytellers. It
has always puzzled me why curriculum writers do not use stories written by professional
storytellers which are published in children's magazines, such as lark and Jill and Humpty
Dumpty. These magazines have been in existence a long time and they provide a rich
repository of good fiction for children that could be incorporated into reading programs.
The advantage of using stories for children written by professional writers is that
professional writers understand the craft of storytelling; if they are good, they have an
intuitive sense of what is interesting to children. Moreover they know and follow some
basic rules about storytelling to children. For example, when reading with an eight- and a
nine-year-old child at the Mt. Hope School, discovered that the heroine of the story, for
nine- and ten-year-old children, was only six. Any writer for children would know that
the hero or heroine must be a year or two older than the children to whom the story is
addressed. It is these little "tricks of the trade", which the professional storyteller knows
but which are generally not known to the curriculum writers. Paradoxically, stories
written by children are interesting to them and to other youngsters, and promote interest
in reading (Ashton-Warner, 1963).
It might be argued, however, that the stories in reading books are meant to develop
specific decoding and vocabulary skills. While I would not disagree with this contention,
I think the order of construction ought to be turned around. Good interesting stories ought
to be chosen first, and the vocabulary and decoding exercises built around them, not the
reverse. Interesting stories involve children in reading and make skill learning a natural
concomitant. With artificial, dull stories neither the story nor the learning has much
interest.
Similar considerations hold for reading material for older children too. That is to say,
the first and most important criterion in choosing literature should be its literary quality,
not its teaching value. Points about grammar, paragraphing, and so on can be made with
many different kinds of material. Of course literary quality is in part a matter of taste, and
there should be sufficient flexibility in the choice of materials to satisfy young people
with different interests and orientations. Some of the articles in Popular Meckanics are,
on examination, quite well written. The delicate task is always to elaborate young
people's own interests by providing quality material for them to pursue on their own.
Graphic Representation. We know least about the role of graphics in the learning
process. And yet, even what is known, and seems obvious, is too often neglected in the
production of curriculum materials. I have seen books for beginning readers in which the
print was incredibly small and the words cramped together. The accompanying pictures
were often complicated and overly detailed. Certainly a major principle of graphics for
young elementary- school children is that print be of decent size, clear and uncrowded,
and that pictures be simple and direct.
There is another point about graphic representation that should be made. Children use
pictures as contextual cues to word recognition and meaning. The closer the picture
approximates the story being told, the more helpful it is. There is nothing more frustrating
to a child, or to an adult for that matter, than a picture that does not coincide with the
story. This is particularly true about crucial elements of the story. If there is a bicycle in
the picture, there should be one in the story. And if a child is said to have red hair, then
the child in the picture should have red hair.
The value of making the drawings relate to the text in a direct way is clearly evident in
the popularity of the Dr. Seuss books. Part of the fun of such books as The Cat in the Hat
and To Think That I Saw it on Mulberry Street is the fact that the pictures are so
distinctively unique to the story, indeed, they could go with no other story. That, by the
way, is not a bad criterion for assessing the cognitive value of pictures that accompany
texts.
MATHEMATICS
Piaget's work has perhaps had more impact in the domain of mathematics than in any
other curriculum area. The "new math" was, in part at least, inspired by his findings. And
the late Max Beberman, prime mover in the writing of the "new math," was familiar with
Piaget's writings. Yet the new math curricula were not always successful. In execution
they suffered from the usual defects In instructions, in content, and in graphic materials.
The examples below are taken from several different contemporary math curricula.
Instructions. Instructions in mathematics should in most cases present no problems,
since all they need do is instruct the child as to what operations are to be employed. Yet,
rather than do this simply and directly, many texts resort to metaphors that are more
likely to confuse than to help children. In one math series an instruction reads: "Write the
number sentence"; and later: "Make each number sentence true." In both cases all that
needed to be said was: "Find the sums and the products." Talk of an equation as a
sentence is a metaphor that children, who may not know what a verbal sentence is, are
not likely to comprehend.
In another series the metaphor is a "computing machine" that multiplies or adds with
constants. Yet it is easier for children to grasp simple constants than to understand a
computing machine. Instructions such as "multiply every number by five" or "add five to
each number" is all the child needs. Metaphors and analogies, which play such an
important part in adult learning, are confusing to children. The use of unnecessary
metaphors in instructions for children is one of the most pervasive instructional errors
across all curricular domains.
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numerical and metric questions. In a problem of velocities, for example, the student must
simultaneously manage reasoning concerning the distances covered and the lengths
utilized, and carry out a computation with the numbers that express these quantities.
While the logical Structures of the problem is not solidly assured, the numerical
considerations remain without meaning, and on the contrary, they obscure the system of
relationships between each element. Since the problem rests precisely on these numbers,
the child often tries all sorts of computations by gropingly applying the procedures that
he knows, which has the effect of blocking his reasoning powers
In math curricula, as in reading, the logical abilities required by the child are taken for
granted, and only the math concepts or facts are presumed to be what the child needs to
learn. Hence even the manipulative materials are misused, if they are tied up from the
beginning with numerical rather than with strictly logical problems The child needs a
basis in logic to acquire mathematics, and this basis is not present from the start, but must
be developed. It is to the development of logical abilities, rather than to the acquisition of
gee-boards, chip trading games, "math facts" that elementary, and advanced, math
instruction should be directed.
Some examples of the confounding of the logical and mathematical operations may
help to make this discussion more concrete. One area where this confounding is quite
clear is in the matter of coins. One first grade text asks children to "Find the value of each
coin collection," and below this instruction are pictures such as three pennies and a
nickel, four pennies and two nickels, and so on. The child is asked to write down the total
in a box.
Consider for a moment only the logical problem that is involved. A nickel is the class
of five pennies, but it is really not five pennies, it is a single coin. So a nickel is both like
five pennies and also different. Nickels, dimes, and quarters are thus higher-order units,
much as a foot is a higher-order unit of inches. Such higher-order units are complex
cognitive constructions. Hence a child must know something of higher-order
classifications if she is truly to under- stand coins. Such logical understanding should
precede mathematical exercises about coins. To be sure, children may solve some coin
problems, but in a rote way and without true understanding-- much as children can
compute geographical distances (such as the distance between two states or two planets)
without really under- standing the units or distances that are involved.
Just one other example of a confusion of the logical and the mathematical will be given.
In a section of a math book entitled "Find the Differences" there are boxes with lobsters
and seahorses, shells and starfish, fish and turtles, snails and crabs. From a reasoning
point of view, this task is much more difficult than if all the animals for a given problem
were of the same kind. For example, in the box with two lobsters and eight seahorses the
equation to be solved is 10 - 8 = . But what does the 10 stand for? The 10 stands for
the combined class of lobsters and seahorses-crustaceans. To make sense out of the
problem, there- fore, the child has to form a higher-order classification that may be
beyond his powers. So again she has to resort to rote procedures if she does not have the
logic.
Many more examples could be given, but these may suffice to illustrate how logical
and mathematical issues are sometimes confounded in elementary math curricula. The
value of manipulative materials can also be undermined if logical problems are
confounded with mathematical ones. The use of differently colored Cusenaire rods
confounds the logical and the mathematical. That is, the child has to grasp that white
stands for the "class of all ones," red for the "class of all twos," and so on, at the same
time that he or she is dealing with mathematical issues. Using rods of different unit
lengths but of all one color eliminates the difficulty. The introduction of color, which
seems to simplify matters from an adult point of view, often complicates them from the
child's point of view."
Graphic Presentation. Some of the difficulties described above have to do with
graphics as much as they do with content. pictures of lobsters and crabs do not really help
the child form a higher-order classification. In graphic presentation the errors are the
same as in the symbolic domain, namely, a failure to take sufficient account of the logical
problems entailed in the graphic materials.
Consider the graphic display used to illustrate the inequality signs. The artist chose to
identify the "greater" sign with a mouth, so that the more numerous figures were always
the ones being "eaten." But such logic defies children's logic and their common sense
notions: that the bigger set should "eat" the smaller one. It is a minor matter, but by going
against the child's expectations the picture makes learning the direction of the inequality
signs more, rather than less, difficult. And the use of different animals, or simply
different-colored animals, again adds a needless logical difficulty to the mathematical
problem.
We encountered a different sort of graphic display problem at the Mt. Hope School
which nonetheless resulted from a failure to appreciate the logical components of the
task. Children were dealing with a work book in which several of the same problems
were displayed on the same page in both a horizontal and in a vertical arrangement, for
example, 3 + ? = 10 . Some of the children who succeeded with the problem in the
horizontal arrangement made errors when it was in the vertical arrangement.
I believe that the reason the children made the error was that the vertical problem is
logically more difficult than the horizontal one. Whether in the vertical or the horizontal
direction, the problem requires a "hidden subtraction," of three from ten, so the child has
to perform a subtraction before the addition will hold. In the case of the vertical
arrangement, however, other operations are ceiled for. The child must mentally transform
the plus sign so that it applies to the box and must translate a single line as an equals sign.
Because of these additional logical operations called forth by the vertical arrangement,
the children "forgot" the hidden subtraction and performed the simple operation of
addition.
I am not suggesting that vertical arrangements not be used. I am suggesting that the
logical difficulties inherent in different arrangements be acknowledged and used with
intelligence and fore-thought. For example, had all of the problems on the page been
arranged in the vertical manner, the children would not have had to make the shift from
the vertical orientation, and the difficulty could have been lessened. Certainly even
switching formats on a page may be useful, if it is done intentionally and with an
understanding of the logical difficulties it poses. Without such knowledge the difficulties
posed by the graphic presentation could be attributed to dullness or "learning difficulty"
on the part of the child. If we want to challenge children intellectually, we should know
what it is we are doing and why we are doing it.
SCIENCE CURRICULA
A major thrust of the curriculum movement of the 1960s was to construct new science
and social science curricula at the elementary and secondary levels. In many cases those
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