24
C A M E R E R A N D L O E W E N S T E I N
equally at all moments except the current one—caring
differently about well-
being now versus later. This functional form provides one simple and powerful
model of the taste for immediate gratification.
In his 1997 paper, reprinted in chapter 15 of this volume, Laibson applies the
quasi-hyperbolic model to a model of lifetime consumption-savings decisions.
He emphasizes the role that the partial illiquidity of an asset plays in helping con-
sumers constrain their own future consumption. If people can withdraw money
immediately from their assets, as they can with simple savings or checking ac-
counts, they have no way to control their temptation to overconsume. Assets that
are less liquid, despite their costly lack of flexibility or even lower yield, may be
used as a commitment device for those consumers who at least partially under-
stand their tendency to overconsume. In this paper and others (including the more
recent papers coauthored by Laibson, Repetto, and Tobacman [1998]), it has been
demonstrated how quasi-hyperbolic discounting potentially provides a better ac-
count than does conventional exponential discounting of various savings and con-
sumption phenomena, such as different marginal propensities to consume out of
different forms of savings, and the ways that financial innovation (typically in the
form of increased liquidity) may lead to damaging decreases in savings.
An important question in modeling self-control is whether agents are aware of
their self-control problem (“sophisticated”) or not (“naïve”). The work in macro-
economics described above assumes
agents are sophisticated, but have some
commitment technologies to limit how much the current self can keep the future
self from overspending.
20
However, there are certainly many times in which peo-
ple are partially unaware of their own future misbehavior, and hence overly opti-
mistic that they will behave in the future the way in which that their “current self ”
would like them to. O’Donoghue and Rabin (1999 and in this volume; cf. Akerlof
1991) show how awareness of self-control problems can powerfully moderate the
behavioral consequences of quasi-hyperbolic discounting.
Naïveté typically makes damage from poor self-control worse. For example,
severe procrastination is a creation of overoptimism: One can put off doing a task
repeatedly if the perceived costs of delay are small—“I’ll do it tomorrow, so there
is little loss from not doing it today”—and hence accumulate huge delay costs
from postponing the task many times. A sophisticated agent aware of his procras-
tination will realize that if he puts if off, he will only have to do the task in the
future, and hence will do it immediately. However, in some cases, being sophisti-
cated about one’s self-control problem can
exacerbate
yielding to temptation. If
you are aware of your tendency to yield to a temptation in the future, you may
conclude that you might as well yield now; if you naïvely think you will resist
temptation for longer in the future, that may motivate you to think it is worthwhile
resisting temptation now. More recently, O’Donoghue and Rabin (2001) have de-
veloped a model of “partial naïveté” that permits a whole continuum of degree of
awareness, and many other papers on quasi-hyperbolic discounting have begun to
20
Ariely and Wertenbroch (in press) report similar self-commitment—deadline-setting—in an
experiment.