Adolph Hitler Mein Kampf (My Struggle)


party. Since Schonerer and his followers addressed themselves



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party.
Since Schonerer and his followers addressed themselves 
principally to bourgeois circles, the result was bound to be very 
feeble and tame.
Though some people fail to suspect it, the German bourgeoisie, 
especially in its upper circles, is pacifistic to the point of positive 
self­abnegation, where internal affairs of the nation or state are 
concerned. In good times that is, in this case, in times of good 
government such an attitude makes these classes extremely 
valuable to the state; but in times of an inferior regime it is 
positively ruinous. To make possible the waging of any really 
serious struggle, the Pan­German movement should above all 
have dedicated itself to winning the masses. That it failed to do 
so deprived it in advance of the elemental impetus which a wave 
of its kind simply must have if it is not in a short time to ebb 
away.
Unless this principle is borne in mind and carried out from the 
very start, the new party loses all possibility of later making up 
for what has been lost. For, by the admission of numerous 
moderate bourgeois elements, the basic attitude of the movement 
will always be governed by them and thus lose any further 
prospect of winning appreciable forces from the broad masses. 
As a result, such a movement will not rise above mere grumbling 
and criticizing. The faith bordering more or less on religion, 
combined with a similar spirit of sacrifice, will cease to exist; in 
its place will arise an effort gradually to grind off the edges of 


struggle by means of 'positive' collaboration; that is, in this case, 
by acceptance of the existing order, thus ultimately leading to a 
putrid peace.
And this is what happened to the Pan­German movement 
because it had not from the outset laid its chief stress on winning 
supporters from the circles of the great masses. It achieved 
'bourgeois respectability and a muffled radicalism.'
From this error arose the second cause of its rapid decline.
At the time of the emergence of the Pan­German movement the 
situation of the Germans in Austria was already desperate. From 
year to year the parliament had increasingly become an 
institution for the slow destruction of the German people. Any 
attempt at salvation in the eleventh hour could offer even the 
slightest hope of success only if this institution were eliminated.
Thus the movement was faced with a question of basic 
importance:
Should its members, to destroy parliament, go into parliament, in 
order, as people used to say, 'to bore from within,' or should they 
carry on the struggle from outside by an attack on this institution 
as such?
They went in and they came out defeated.
To be sure, they couldn't help but go in.
To carry on the struggle against such a power from outside 
means to arm with unflinching courage and to be prepared for 
endless sacrifices. You seize the bull by the horns, you suffer 
many heavy blows, you are sometimes thrown to the earth, 
sometimes you get up with broken limbs, and only after the 
hardest contest does victory reward the bold assailant. Only the 
greatness of the sacrifices will win new fighters for the cause, 
until at last tenacity is rewarded by success.
But for this the sons of the broad masses are required.
They alone are determined and tough enough to carry through the 
fight to its bloody end.
And the Pan­German movement did not possess these broad 


masses; thus no course remained open but to go into parliament 
It would be a mistake to believe that this decision was the result 
of long soul torments, or even meditations; no, no other idea 
entered their heads. Participation in this absurdity was only the 
sediment resulting from general, unclear conceptions regarding 
the significance and effect of such a participation in an institution 
which had in principle been recognized as false. In general, the 
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