Thomas Harrison
envisaged the process of learning a foreign language, they did so as some-
thing undertaken by children rather than adults.
Only in the Roman pe-
riod, as a function perhaps of the Romans’ stronger ethos of assimilating
foreign cultures,
do we see any sign—for example, with a markedly more
complimentary view of Themistocles from Cornelius Nepos—that compe-
tence in a language other than one’s own was considered admirable.
Even
then it is hard not to wonder how great a grasp these authors really had of
the practicalities of multilingualism to imagine it possible for Mithridates or
Cleopatra to have spoken up to twenty five languages (or how Nepos could
have imagined it possible that Themistocles spoke
Persian better than the
Persians)—might Mithridates’ and Cleopatra’s knowledge of foreign lan-
guages have been the function of their status as the dangerous enemies of
Rome?
A distrust of foreign languages is also reflected in a number of parables
of the dangers, indeed the ultimate impossibility, of cultural integration. So
we have the story of the Scythian king Scyles, introduced by Herodotus as
an illustration of the Scythian hatred of foreign customs (..). Scyles, hav-
ing learnt the ‘Greek language and letters’(..)
from his Istrian mother,
became more and more enveloped into Greek culture until, on the eve of his
initiation into the mysteries of Dionysus, his house was struck by a thunder-
bolt from the god; his people, as a result of his initiation, set up his brother
in his place and killed him (.-). The Median king Kyaxares offers some
Scythian suppliants the opportunity to educate a group of children in the
Greeks (e.g. Croesus in Book I), but there are not sufficient grounds to speculate the exis-
tence of a fully polyglot clergy (as does M.-F. Baslez, op. cit. (n. ) ). Croesus and the
Hyperboreans are scarcely everyday barbarians; and Croesus at any rate was assisted in
his consultation of Delphi by the Athenian Alcmeon, ... Sophocles’ description of
the oak of Dodona as
πολυγλώσσου
, Trach.
, cannot be taken as evidence that oracles
at Dodona were given in a range of voices (cf. Hdt .-).
Cf. .., ..,
HHAphr.
-, Pl.
Prot.
e,
Dissoi Logoi
DK B , . The
Scythians and Amazons do learn to understand each other as grown-ups, .-, but it
is interestingly only the Amazon women who are able to learn the male Scythians’ lan-
guage, .., and even then they only grasp it imperfectly, ..
See M. Dubuisson’s description, op. cit. (n. ) , of Rome as ‘la cité hétérogène et
assimilatrice par essence, le creuset de l’Italie puis du monde’. More generally, see W. G.
Runciman, ‘Doomed to Extinction: the
polis
as an evolutionary dead-end’, in O. Murray
and S. Price (eds.)
The Greek City
(Oxford, ) -, T. J. Cornell,
The Beginnings of
Rome
(London, ), chs. -.
Themistocles: Nepos,
Them.
.
Cleopatra: Plut.
Ant.
.-. Mithridates: Pliny
NH
., ., Aul. Gell.
NA
.,
Val. Max. . ext. . Contrast the more modest, and more plausible, linguistic accom-
plishment of Ennius, Aul. Gell.
NA
., or of P. Licinius Crassus, Val. Max. ...
The two are almost universally seen as separate stages in the learning of a language.
Herodotus’ Conception of Foreign Languages
Scythian language and in archery (..): after being harshly treated by
Kyaxares one day, for returning empty-handed from a hunt, they have their
revenge by killing one of the boys in their charge and feeding him to the
king (..). Most illuminating perhaps is the story of the origin of the term
‘Lemnian deeds’ to describe outrageously bloody actions (.). The Athe-
nian wives kidnapped by the Lemnians at the festival of Artemis at Brauron
taught their children the ‘Attic language and the manners (
τρόπους
)
of the
Athenians’. As a result they soon dominated the
pure-bred Pelasgian chil-
dren of Lemnos. The Pelasgians asked themselves what these Athenian chil-
dren would achieve when they were men, and so killed them and their
mothers. The Attic language and a characteristic Attic freedom of spirit go
hand-in-hand here.
But another moral shouts out more clearly from all
these stories: that each should keep to his own.
Herodotus does,
nonetheless, introduce a number of foreign words
(largely terms for exotic, untranslateable, trade items) into his
Histories.
Ivan
Linforth applauded Herodotus for being so sparing in his use of foreign
words; he complains,
by comparison, of modern travel-books ‘sometimes
rendered nearly unintelligible by foreign words’.
Whether or not he uses
them often or sparingly is a difficult, since largely subjective, question: we
cannot know how many foreign words he had at his disposal. We may per-
haps judge—though it is again a subjective question—that Herodotus im-
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